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Transcription from THE CALCUTTA REVIEW. VOL. VII. JANUARY—JUNE, 1847.


1846-47 'Our Indian Railways'  Pages 321-371
<ref>[https://books.google.fr/books?id=RBoYAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA321#v=onepage&q&f=false Google Books ’The Calcutta Review, no XIV, Volume 7’ Jan-June 1847, Calcutta 1847. "Our Indian Railways” ART.IIpages 321 to 371
''Please note all statements, references and notes in Italics have been added by FIBIS to provide clarification''.
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Documents refered to in the Calcutta Review Article:-
*Page 321 OUR INDIAN RAILWAYS
''*1.'' Copy of Railway Reports from India. Presented to Parliament by H. M.'s command.
''**1.1.'' Letter from the Government of India in the Legislative Department, dated 9th May 1846.
''**1.2.'' Report by Mr. Simms, and Capts. Boileau and Western, dated I2th March, 1846.
''**1.3, 1.4, 1.5''. Minutes by the Honourables Sir T. II. Maddock, Knt, F. Millett, and C. Ih. Cameron.
''**1.6.'' Minute by the Governor-General of India.
''*2.'' Report of R. Macdonald Stephenson, Esq., Managing Director, to the Chairman, etc. of the East Indian Railway Company.
''*3.'' Report upon the Project upon the Dock and Diamond Harbour Railway Company, by F. W. Simms, Esq., Consulting Engineer to the Government of India, etc.
''*4.'' Indian Railways. By an Old Indian Postmaster.
''*5.'' Letter to the Shareholders of the East Indian and Great Western of Bengal Railways. By one of themselves.
''*6.'' Report on the application of Railway communication in India, by Capt. Western, B. E.from Friend of India, March 23tf, 1843.
''*7.'' Railways in England and France, by David Salomons, Esq., pp. 77, London 1847.
''*8.'' Papers Illustrative of the Prospects of the Great Indian Peninsular Railway Company. Bombay, September,1846.
''*9.'' Two Letters on the advantages of Railway Communication in Western India, addressed to Lord Warncliffe, by T. Thos. Williamson, Esq., C. S.pp. 119.
''Introduction from the Editors of the 'Calcutta Review'''
<br>"In our recent article on the subject of Indian Railways, we mentioned our wish to have postponed its consideration, until the publication of the ‘Report of the Railway Commission’ appointed by Government ; but we otherwise determined, in consequence of the number of projected Railways before the public, on which it appeared expedient that we should offer an opinion ; and we believe we exercised a wise and popular discretion, and may now be excused remarking that generally our views corresponded with those which afterwards appeared in the ‘Report of the Railway Commission’. We impugned the schemes which have been treated by the Commission as either not within their province or as unworthy of consideration. We anticipated the condemnation of the Northern and Eastern."
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"The Great Western ''[[Great Western Bengal Railway Company]]'' we regarded favourably, precisely in the limited point of view in which it is sanctioned by the Commission, that is, as a branch line; and we supported the paramount claims of the proposed grand trunk line, on account of its political importance, as Lord Hardinge has subsequently done. Thus, corroborated in our past views, we proceed to our present task with increased confidence. At the time we are writing there is, we fear, little probability of any of the Indian lines being immediately undertaken. We regret to consider them as put in abeyance, by the embarrassments and solicitudes arising from the extraordinary claims made on capital to provide food and work for the Irish people: yet indulging the hope of better times at no distant period, the subject appears to us of instant and undiminished importance, and we return to it confident that it will still attract a considerable share of attention on the part of the public, and that a general view of what has been written and done since our former article, will be acceptable."
"To begin with the ‘Report of the Railway Commission’. Its importance would induce as to give it in extenso, as it decides, we apprehend, conclusively several important questions; but the nature of our publication will permit our giving only copious extracts and an abridgement. But first, a few words as to the circumstances which led to the appointment of the Commission. The Court of Directors, called upon to sanction the establishment of Railways in India, found doubts raised on many grounds, chiefly, we believe, among that very status quo class, the circle of " old Indians," whether, in India, the introduction of a system of railways was practicable. At the same time various lines were competing for precedence, and neither the Court at home, nor the Government here, had the requisite information to decide between them. These circumstances, added to the habit of caution and a constitutional jealousy of innovations, some may say improvements, induced the Court to determine on appointing a Commission, with a Civil Engineer at its head, to investigate and report its opinion on these questions ; and it was so fortunate as to engage the service of [[Frederick Walter Simms|Mr. F. W. Simms]], a gentleman whose eminent qualifications are too well known to need our eulogy, and who, with the distinction of having earned by a life devoted to practical science the confidence of the most eminent members of his own profession in England, enjoys also the respect here of that branch of the public service which would have regarded as anomalous the appointment of a less eminent person. On [[Frederick Walter Simms|Mr. Simms's]] arrival in India
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two Officers of the Bengal Engineers were associated with him; and under instructions of a general kind from the Court of Directors, together with other instructions from the local Government, they proceeded on a tour from Calcutta to the Upper Provinces, making such detours as they deemed proper, for the purpose of ascertaining the nature of the country, and on their return in March 1846, they made the Report, which we shall now proceed to analyse, and offer some remarks upon.
The Report begins as follows: —
<br>1. We have the honour to submit our report upon the practicability of introducing a system of railways into India, and of their application to the peculiarities and circumstances of the country and climate : to answer the questions relative thereto, as proposed in the minutes of the Honourable the Court of Directors, of the 7th May, 18-1-5, and likewise to make our report from a personal examination of the country, upon the direction of a line to be recommended for a railroad from Calcutta to Mirzapore and the North-West provinces."
Paragraph 2d expresses the opinion of the Commissioners as to the practicability of establishing Railways in India: —
<br>2. We would commence by stating our opinion that railroads are not inapplicable to the peculiarities and circumstances of India, but on the contrary, are not only a great desideratum, but with proper attention can be constructed and maintained as perfectly as in any part of Europe. The great extent of its vast plains, which may in some directions be traversed for hundreds of miles without encountering any serious undulations, the small outlay required for Parliamentary or legislative purposes, the low value of land, cheapness of labour, and the general facilities for procuring building materials, may all be quoted as reasons why the introduction of a system of railroads is applicable to India."
The Report next adverts to the difficulties suggested by the Court as peculiar to the climate and seasons of India. They are —1. Periodical rains and inundations; 2. The continued action of violent winds and the influence of a vertical (tropical?) sun: 3. The ravages of insects and vermin upon timber and earthwork: 4. The destructive effects of the spontaneous vegetation of underwood upon earth and brickwork: 5. The unenclosed and unprotected tracts of country through which railroads would pass: 6. The difficulty and expense of securing the services of competent and trustworthy engineers.
These difficulties well and fairly put, are disposed of by the commissioners in a concise, business-like, and, as appears to us, satisfactory manner. 1. As to the periodical rains and inundations they say: —
" We do not expect that, with a judiciously selected and well-constructed line, any serious mischief to the works may be anticipated from this cause, nothing but what a moderate annual outlay will set to rights.
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The practicability of keeping a railway in order is shewn by the existence of bunds and roads, both metalled and unmetalled, in various parts of the country, which are kept in order at a trifling outlay, It must, however, be borne in mind, that, although this opinion is based upon what we have ourselves witnessed as the effect of a season when the floods were unusually high, both in Bengal and the Upper Provinces, yet, in after years, unprecedented inundations may occur, causing serious damage to works which shall have been constructed with a view to resisting only the highest floods hitherto known "
That is, as we understand, a railway in the Lower provinces, where alone this class of dangers exists may be securely constructed upon raised bunds or embankments, and these may be kept up at a moderate annual outlay. But the selection of the line is very important, and of course a line could not be considered as judiciously selected, if from the nature of the country along any part of it, it could not be protected or constructed beyond the reach of danger. This is a circumstance which should make the public very cautious of railway projects in the Lower provinces. 2. As to the continued action of violent winds and a vertical sun, the Report says: —
" Suitable arrangements in the construction of the works will overcome any difficulty arising from these causes as to the line itself. These effects will be more felt in working the trains, especially the wind, at high velocities, but no fears need be entertained upon this subject as to the ultimate result, though, during the prevalence of the hot winds, more than usual attention will be requisite in watching and guarding against the effects of friction of such parts of the engines that may be exposed to the most intense heat."
These difficulties though not felt in Europe, are the common lot of tropical climates : and therefore were they greater than they are, and were they less satisfactorily met by the Report, it appears to us that considered as preliminary objections, they would be sufficiently answered by the fact that in Cuba, the Southern parts of the United States, Jamaica and some other tropical countries, railroads are already constructed or being so. 3. As to the ravages of insects and vermin on timber and earthwork, the Report says: —
" If the information we have received be correct, that the destructive action of insects upon the teak and iron wood of Arracan amounts to nothing, or next to nothing, that question is at once disposed of; but should further investigation show that such is not the fact, recourse must be bad either to the use of stone, or to the employment of one or more of the various preparations for timber now in use in England, which it is probable may also be found desirable on the score of economy to render the timber more durable. This, however, at present is by no means certain. Captain Western, who has been in Arracan, states, that he would not guarantee teak as resisting damp and insects, but iron wood he knows from practical experience to resist both, and has seen a post taken up, after having been in the ground 15 years, as sound as the day it was put in.
*325 OUR INDIAN RAILWAYS.
To the earthwork no serious mischief is to he apprehended from this cause, if the overseers and labourers on the line discharge their duties in a proper manner. It is true that earthworks in the Upper Provinces, constructed in a loose soil, have occasionally been damaged by the undermining of rats, crabs, otters, or other burrowing animals, but it appears that constant vigilance would provide an effectual remedy for this, as well as for the next following difficulty."
The Commissioners have merely alluded to the method of preserving woods by steeping them in liquids. On this subject we can state, that several trials of prepared woods have been made in Calcutta, some on behalf of the East Indian Railway Company; others of the local Government; and without distinguishing between the comparative merits of the different preparations, we may state generally that there is reason to believe ants will not touch them. Besides, as the ants attack only things in a state of perfect rest, not improbably the Rail way sleepers, at least, will be rendered impregnable by the motion of the trains over them: this we know to be also the opinion of a high authority in Railway matters. As to the destructive effects of spontaneous vegetation of underwood upon earth and brickwork, the unprotected tracts of country, and the difficulty of securing competent Engineers, the Report is equally satisfactory and as follows: —
<br>"The destructive effects of the spontaneous vegetation of underwood upon earth and brickwork: — To obviate these evils nothing more is required than a faithful discharge of the duties of the overseers and labourers in rooting up every germ of such vegetation as soon as it appears. Captain Boileau suggests that the attention of the persons in charge of those portions of the line, passing through young saul forests, must be particularly directed to this point, as trees of this kind, after having been cut down to clear ways for trigonometrical operations, have been known to spring up again to an altitude of about 15 feet in two years : and in various parts of the country, the rapid growth of Palma Christi (the castor oil plant), the gigantic reed called Surkunda and Nurrul, and many other such wild productions, may give considerable trouble, though the strong roots of the latter are admirably adapted for giving stability to an earthen bank. The roots of the Peepul tree are particularly injurious to brickwork but are tolerably easy of extraction.
<br>The unenclosed and unprotected tracts of country. —A fence similar to our quick fences in England will answer through the open and cultivated parts of the country, which may or may not be employed through the districts covered with jungle, as circumstances may require. Such fence may be formed of the plant called the Berandu or the Mysore thorn, or the prickly pear, all of which, and perhaps many others, if kept well-trimmed, would make a suitable fence. In several localities where stone is obtainable in abundance this material might, and, in certain cases, where the soil is too barren for the growth of hedges, must be used for boundary walls, and, in the vicinity of saul forests the exceeding straightness of this wood renders it particularly valuable for construction of posts and railing. The difficulty and expense of securing competent and trustworthy engineers. —This difficulty, we make no doubt, will be overcome by a suitable
*326 OUR INDIAN RAILWAYS.
arrangement by the railway companies at an early period. Such, ire should think, would be the sending a few native, or East Indian young men to England to be trained, until some engines are ready to be sent to India; upon their return in charge of such engines, and under the superintendence of one or two English engineers, there would be laid the foundation for the training of as many native engine drivers as might be required. Such native youths, while in England, should not only be instructed to drive an engine, but to repair them when out of order."
Upon the subject of the last paragraph we have a few remarks to offer. Doubtless, the first supply of skilled labour required for working railways in India, as also in the other British possessions abroad, must be brought from England. But it appears to us equally certain, that there is in India a very considerable number of persons, — Native, East Indian, and European, —ready to be taught, and who would become candidates for instruction, if it was provided for them; and the number probably much exceeds the number that could be employed for some time to come. As a ground for entertaining this opinion, we may refer to a class for teaching Architectural and Mechanical Drawing and the principles of Surveying and Mensuration, which was established in this city fifteen months ago by Mr. Stephenson; the instruction is gratuitous ; young men on applying for employment are received on condition of being regular in their attendance; and upon an understanding that they will be considered as having a claim for employment according to the degree in which they have qualified themselves ; the class has always been full; and many of the students have made great exertions to support them-selves, and have remained beyond the time when it was anticipated there would be employment for them.
At the same time that schools for instruction in the mechanical arts and sciences are established, it appears to us, that Government should weed out of its system every sort of discouragement to the enterprise of private individuals, and to the voluntary immigration of fresh un-sunned labourers of all ages. We would suggest that it ought to withdraw from everything like competition with them; and confine itself and its officers to their proper functions. This observation admits of a variety of illustrations. We recently were shewn by an English mechanic, to whom it was in fact a sentence of immediate banishment from India, an official copy of an order from the Court of Directors to the local Government, limiting Government employment (we are sorry we cannot quote the very words) so as to utterly exclude all recent and free emigrants, no matter how skilful as workmen. Again, we are constantly hearing of Government officers undertaking the execution of works of a public
*327 OUR INDIAN RAILWAYS
nature for private individuals or bodies of individuals. The time is come, when works of this kind can be executed without them. Indeed, we have heard of some which have been given to Government officers merely in consequence of their estimates being lower than those of the tradesmen. The effect of this undoubtedly is to diminish or prevent an increase in the number of tradesmen, and to check the immigration of fresh skill and talent. It may be said, that the public is free to employ the tradesman, that there is no compulsion, and the Government officer is preferred because his prices are more favourable. Not always so; he is sure to be preferred, if his estimates are only equal, but whether the work be usually completed within the estimated cost is another matter. If the tradesman's terms are higher than is just, the correction should be left to time and competition which are sure to correct this evil: the intrusion of the Government officer only increases the evil by preventing or postponing regular and permanent competition. Nor should Government be satisfied merely to put an end to this class of discouragements. The distribution of business in the Department of Public Works should be governed by a principle the very opposite to that which prevails at present: we mean by the principle of giving the greatest amount of encouragement consistently with the public interest, to the growth and increase of private skill, enterprise and capital. One way certainly would be to do nothing at its own work-shops and by its executive officers which it can get done by contractors or at a private establishment; and to transfer as much common work as possible from gentlemen with epaulettes wholly to the class who are exclusively mechanical. This we are satisfied would be much cheaper to Government. Private establishments would then multiply ; there would be mechanics to do small jobs as well as large ones, which now there are not ; there would be more skill, more capital ; more public works, more improvements, and of a better kind both in design and execution : we should not hear then so often of bridges and churches, and the like, falling down while in the course of construction : the Supreme Court would soon teach the architect and tradesman that it would be ruin to themselves to be the designer or constructor of ruins, and consequently they would not under-take that for which they were unequal, and we should soon have a higher order of architects, mechanics and tradesmen ; and what is more immediately to our present purpose, there would be a public stock of engineering and mechanical talent, on which the railroads might draw when their own immediate resources became deficient. We commend these objects and
*328 OUR INDIAN RAILWAYS.
principles to consideration, not of departments, because in them we should place little hope, governed as they are by habit and tenacious of old and existing arrangements; we com mend them to the consideration of the Government. The Commissioners next refer (paragraph 5,) to the subject of the probable returns of merchandise and passengers; but state that they are unable to give any opinion, from an entire want of statistical information. In the course of this article we shall endeavour to supply some.
<br>Having disposed of the objections arising from the climate and seasons, the Commissioners conclude this part of the subject with the following declaration: —
"With the above view of the case we should not deem it inexpedient or unwise to attempt the introduction of railways into India to any extent that private enterprise might be found willing to embark capital upon; subject, however, to whatever equitable conditions and regulations the Government might think proper to require for the promotion of their own, and the general interests of the country at large, at the same time having due regard to that of the parties engaged in the enterprise."
<br>The Commissioners were expressly required by their instructions to suggest some feasible line of moderate length as an experiment for railroad communication in India. Accordingly, the Report (paragraph 7) suggests a line from Allahabad to Cawnpore, or if this be thought too extensive, from Calcutta to Barrackpore: the former would be about one hundred and twenty-six miles long, the latter fifteen miles. We regret that the suggestion is unaccompanied by any remark on the absurdity, as it appears to us, of making an experiment at great expense—to prove what? Nothing but what is already known. A person who builds a house or makes a railroad should first count the cost, and if he finds his capital insufficient for a large one, must be content with a small one: but then the small one is not an experiment. There is ample capital for a grand trunk railroad, if Government will give the necessary encouragement; and we cannot help wishing that the Commissioners had reported in answer to the requirement alluded to, in some such terms as the following: —
<br>"We now come to that part of the minute of the Hon'ble Court, in which we are requested to suggest some feasible line of moderate length as an experiment for railroad communication in India. Before we do so, we beg to offer an explanation: the desire on the part of the Court to have an experimental line first, appears to us to have arisen out of the doubts apparently entertained in many quarters of the practicability of establishing railways at all in India: and while this remained in doubt it was natural that the Honourable Court
*329 OUR INDIAN RAILWAYS.
should wish only to make an experiment. But being fully satisfied, as we have reported, that railways in India are practicable, it appears to us that experimental lines, as such, are now out of the question; we may however mention the following as preferable, if it is determined to make an experimental line." Giving the Commissioners full credit for having made the suggestion merely in obedience to instructions; the idea still requires discussion, and the more so, because we collect from the most recent advices, that it is likely to influence in an undue degree the first operations. We are not aware of any line in England which in any just sense could be said to be experimental. The first important English line was from Manchester to Liverpool; but it was an entire line, and undertaken and executed with perfect confidence of success, and not at all as an experiment. The proper width of gauges, the forms of machinery, the greater or less power required in the various gradients; these are questions in which science is aided by experiments; but the practicability of a railway in a country where the height of every hill, the velocity and depth and direction of every river, the geological features were known, was not an experimental question as regarded the engineering apart from the commercial considerations. Whether the traffic between Liverpool and Manchester would pay the proprietors of the railroad was conjectural; but so, it is, in the case of every new canal, new bridge, new road, in which the projectors invest their capital: all commerce in this sense is conjectural, speculative, experimental. But suppose this first line had been experimental: the experiment could have proved nothing beyond itself; if it had failed it would have proved little or nothing against a railroad from Liver pool to London: and though it succeeded, it neither proved that all other railroads nor that any other would be commercially successful. What then we ask is to be proved by our experimental railroads? Plant the railroad where the country is exposed to inundations! If it is washed away will it prove that railroads will fail in parts not subject to inundations? Or, again if it is washed away, notwithstanding the Commissioners state that adequate protection may be given, will the experiment prove more than when a chain bridge falls and buries hundreds of people, or than when a church sinks in the course of construction, or than when a common road like the course on which we drive every evening becomes foundrous within a few months after very extensive and expensive reparation? We are not therefore induced to give up the repair of bad roads, nor the hope of having good ones, nor to condemn
*330 OUR INDIAN RAILWAYS.
chain bridges as unfit for India, or churches as antichristian, though their foundations are rotten. And so as to railroads: the Commissioners have reported railroads as practicable, and answered the objections arising from the climate and seasons: they have inculcated caution in the selection of the lines, and therefore the simple question remains, which is the most useful —the most desirable line. Doubtless the Government may say 'we are not bound by the Report'—true, because the commissioners are not infallible: but capitalists will form their own opinion, and capital which may be ready for a useful, feasible line, may not be forthcoming for an experiment, nor for any railroad at all if Government discredits them as experimental. What we ask is to be proved by the experiment? What is the object of the experiment? We are utterly at a loss for a rational answer to this question, and we have no hesitation in characterising the idea as unscientific, pusillanimous, and, in effect, hostile to railroads.
<br>The Report next describes the route which the Commissioners recommend from personal examination of the country for a line of railway connecting Calcutta with Mirzapore, and from thence to Delhi and the North West Frontier. First impressions, they state, would lead to the supposition that the proper course would be to cross the river Hugly at Calcutta and proceed from its right bank in the direction of Bancurah ; but this line of country is subject to periodical inundations; and in the event of the embankments of the Damuda breaking, to powerful torrents which might act very injuriously to a railway. The Commissioners therefore have suggested that the railway should proceed up the left bank of the II ugly, and cross the river a little below Chandernagore (about 18 miles from Calcutta) ; or proceed still higher up the left bank to Nuddea, and cross the Hugly just below the junction of the Bhagirutti with the Jellinghi. These several lines come nearly to the same point at about ninety miles from Calcutta. The first is the most direct, and shortest by upwards of 30 miles; but its cost of construction mile for mile would probably be the heaviest of the three in consequence of the quantity of viaduct and masonry which would be necessary. And both the first and second are open to the same objection, of an unknown amount of danger from torrents and inundation, if the bunds of the rivers in Bengal are abandoned. The Commissioners at the time when they made their report appear to have regarded this last •objection which we have italicized, as fatal. Subsequently, however, new light has been thrown on this subject. In August 1846, a Commission was appointed to proceed up the
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Damuda and examine the effect of the bunds (embankments) and report on the system of bunding; and from its report we collect that the danger in the lower parts of Bengal from the overflow of the rivers, would, in the opinion of that Commission, be lessened, by the waters being allowed to run freely. The Damuda Commissioners, therefore, have proposed to substitute a system of drainage in lieu of the existing system of embankments : to cut through the natural bank of the river instead of raising an artificial one : and instead of confining the waters to their principal bed, the level of which yearly becomes higher, to relieve that bed by openings and channels ; and they anticipate that from this plan inundations of the land will be less frequent than at present with the embankments, less violent and consequently less destructive,—in which case it would follow, that a railroad could be more surely protected against them. These anticipations were not before the railway Commissioners when they made their Report. Mr. Simms was on the embankment Commission. We cannot undertake to say whether he entertains the same view as before, of the expediency of making the line up the left bank to Nuddea; but, if the views of the embankment Commission be confirmed, the premises on which that recommendation proceeded are shaken, and we may expect to find the most direct and shortest line will now be regarded as the preferable one. We extract the following passage in which the Commissioners express their motives for proposing a detour instead of the most direct line: —
<br>"10. The object in making this apparent detour is, that by flanking the Damuda, we should, in part, escape the water that flows towards the sea in the direction of that large river, but not be wholly free from its effects ; and whenever an occurrence should hereafter take place, similar to what took place during the late inundation (viz., the breaching of the bunds of the river), a considerable amount of damage would arise to the works of the railway.
<br>11. So long as the water is confined within the river bank, no material in jury would arise to the works of the railways simply from the submersion of the country during the rains, but upon the accident before named, the body and rush of water were so great as entirely to undermine and destroy a bridge near Dulla Bazaar, and to threaten destruction to the bridge over the Banka Nullah at Burdwan, by which Nullah, the surplus waters in a great degree found their vent towards the river Hugly.
<br>12. In addition to the foregoing considerations, it is possible that here after it may be considered advisable to abandon the preservation of the river bunds, and to allow the waters during the rainy season to overflow the surrounding country, in the expectation that the sedimentary matter that is now raising the bed of the river may overspread the country and tend to raise the general level. (This has been hinted to us as a suggestion that has been made, but upon which we must be understood to give no opinion.) Such a procedure would have an effect upon the railway works that is difficult to foresee or provide for, except, in all probability, by the construction
*332 OUR INDIAN RAILWAYS.
of a larger quantity of viaduct for the free passage of the waters than would otherwise he necessary, and thus increase the cost and maintenance of the works.
<br>13. The above considerations and information obtained from Lieutenant Colonel Forbes, Captain Anderson, etc, led to an examination of the country still further to the northward, from which it appears that a very advantageous line of country for a railway exists on the left bank of the Hugly, and crosses that river at a short distance below where it is first formed (or takes that name) by the junction of the Bhagirutti and Jellinghi at Nuddea, from which, crossing, it would proceed due west, and pass about ten miles to the north of Burdwan, near to a place called Balkeshun."
<br>From the foregoing remarks it appears that the selection of the lower part of the line, remains to be made, we will therefore here offer a few remarks on the comparative merits apart from engineering considerations of these three lines or part lines. It is a fact to which we would particularly wish to draw attention, that each line involves the necessity of a bridge across the Hugly ; although the line commencing at Howrah, but not the other lines, would be continuous, and therefore in that respect complete without one : and this circumstance, considering the portion of the capital which a bridge across the Hugly would absorb, probably upwards of a million, and the time its erection would take, probably three or four years, appears to us to be a strong recommendation of the Howrah line; a bridge could be dispensed with at first and for a long time with the Howrah line ; on the other hand, a bridge would be essential from the first to the other lines, and this, it appears to us, in a great degree counterbalances the objections arising from the difficulties in the lower part of the Howrah line. And then, as to the comparative utility of a bridge in other respects‡‡. At Nuddea and Chandernagore, we apprehend, it would be of little use except in connection with the railroad ; but at such a city as Calcutta its importance may be estimated by comparison and experience at a great many other places : a bridge across the Hugly here would, as we apprehend, be what cheap steam passage across the Mersey at Liverpool is to Cheshire ; what the Thames tunnel is becoming to Rotherhithe ; what Southwark, Waterloo and Vauxhall bridges have been to (say) twenty-four or thirty square miles of land on the south side of the river Thames : practically it would double the river frontage ; be a vent for parts of this city which are choked with an excessive and mercantile population ; open at a convenient distance another district to the increase which would assuredly result from the establishment of
<br>‡‡ It is intended that all the bridges shall have a common road as well as a rail road over then.
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railway communication; vastly increase the value of property and facilitate various projected improvements of the old town, —which appear all but impracticable without some such attraction to draw off from it a part of the population. These reasons, concurring with those founded on the diminished danger from inundations, which all competent judges unite in pronouncing capable of being realized, induce us to hope that the bridge and terminus of the railway will be at Howrah. There are other minor considerations leading us to the same conclusion ; it is a circumstance which may be mentioned that a terminus at Howrah with a bridge across to Calcutta will be nearer the shipping, nearer the counting houses and ware-houses of the merchants, nearer, in short, to the centre and seat of the mercantile business of Calcutta than is the terminus of any railway in England with which we are acquainted, and over the bridge the railway may be extended into the very heart of the town, at the smallest inconvenience to existing rights of property.
It would be uninstructive to repeat in detail the line which the Commissioners propose from the point just noticed on to Mirzapore and thence to Delhi: but there are some circumstances mentioned in the report which appear to us worthy of being noticed. The Report (para. 26) describes this part of the line as passing through the Ranigunge collieries; consequently, it will cross the great coal field of Burdwan and (probably) Pachete, which we regard as a fact of very great importance. The greater part of the native coal consumed in Bengal is brought from this district : the coal field consists of some hundreds of square miles, and contains coal of various qualities : but the trade is nearly a monopoly : and the supply of coal, consequently, most unsatisfactory; the price high, probably 30 per cent, higher than it ought to be ; and the quality generally inferior, so much so, that English coal is imported in large quantities. The public are obliged to take what they can get, as the attempts hitherto made have failed to break down the monopoly. The existing state of the coal trade (we call it a monopoly) may safely be pronounced a grievous burden on many branches of the internal commerce of this part of India. We are disposed to press this as an argument in favour of the grand trunk railway and of the immediate establishment of a railroad to the coal field of the Damiida. It will immediately occasion a diminution of price in one of the first necessaries. Coal is largely consumed in various manufactories. It will
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for the convenience of customers, as well of small as of large, — a matter of real importance, as all know who have had dealings with monopolists. It will make us independent of foreign (English) supply: and if undoubtedly this would be a benefit in time of peace, how much greater would it be in time of war? And how could Steam Navigation in the Indian seas be carried on in the event of a war, if the coal used in it, had, as at present, chiefly to be brought from Europe? The argument thus briefly put cannot, we believe, be gain said. Did any of our readers desire that we should fortify our premises, viz. that the coal trade is a monopoly—we could easily do so and shew how it has become so; the disclosure would throw some curious light on the commercial, social and political condition of this part of India. Let a mere sketch suffice; it is all that we have room for. All the coal from the Burdwan coal field is brought down by the river Damuda. The river is open only two or three months in the year, and consequently to be in time for it, the collier must deposit his coal beforehand on the banks of the river. The navigation is carried on only by the common river craft, the supply of which is inadequate to the demands of the coal trade. Now bearing these three facts in mind, observe how congenial they are to the corruption of the trade, to its conversion into a monopoly. Now let us put an hypothesis. Supposing it free at this moment, we will suggest an easy and natural process by which it might become a mono poly. Make the navigation difficult for small traders ; by extraordinary exertions, by hook or by crook, secure all the boats any one year ; or make it exceedingly difficult for others to get any: hire or pretend to have hired the whole river frontage, within a moderate distance from your own and your neighbours collieries and maintain the possession and right till a Mofussil Court has decided it against you : we say, do all this, against which there is no law, or get it believed that you will do it, and the coal trade in the eyes of a prudent person, appears a lottery; capitalists consequently avoid it. In the particular instance of this trade, it was recently proved in a Court of justice that the river was infested by lattials who were employed and paid by nobody; from the mere love of wickedness they attacked the coal fleets, but luckily the only sufferers or com plainants were the smaller colliers. Doubtless they were employed and paid by nobody to do this, and such conduct we must believe would be reprobated before the public by none more than those who have suffered least or not at all by it; still that such things are done is certain; and that they may be done by native servants of respectable people, we can believe, because
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quite certain it is that natives do not view matters of this kind as their enlightened masters do; and being done, the coal trade is regarded as one of the most hazardous, and capitalists feel an aversion to it. A railroad to the collieries will immediately cure all the moral, political, commercial evils alluded to. Respecting the influence which it will have on prices, we shall make a few remarks presently. In the early discussions respecting the grand trunk line, the river Soane, which intersects the trunk road a few marches below Benares, was particularly dwelt upon as an insurmountable and fatal difficulty. The Commissioners only regard it as "an obstacle to the cheap construction of a railway:" " a viaduct across it," say they, " is a matter of expense only," but cheap and dear are relative terms, and Indian railways would probably be among the very cheapest, if it were not for these great rivers. Considered, however, as barriers to intercourse, not to be overcome by common ways, they demonstrate the importance, and enhance the value of railroads: —
" 29. The river Soane is a formidable obstacle to the cheap construction of a railway, being two miles and three furlongs in breadth, and the foundation or natural substratum below (at present) an unknown depth of sand. The erection of a viaduct across this great river is, however, a matter of expense only, there appearing no difficulty in the case that perseverance and ingenuity will not overcome. The most suitable point for crossing the river seems to be about three miles higher up than where the trunk road now crosses it, at the foot of the range of sand-stone hills, from which much valuable material for the structure might be obtained, and for this purpose also, granite of excellent quality may be quarried about two miles south west of Nowrungabad, and about twelve miles south-east from the proposed site of the bridge. Lime also is obtainable at or near the spot."
This passage is followed by a suggestion of considerable importance, and which appears to us new. The commissioners recommend that all bridges of great magnitude erected by Government should be made sufficiently wide and strong to admit a railroad, and railroad bridges in like manner to admit a common highway. Let us ask, docs not the same reason apply to viaducts; and if thus railway bridges and railway viaducts are constructed so as to keep open at all seasons the general intercourse of the country, assuredly railroads will be entitled to be classed among the greatest blessings yet conferred by British sway on the general population of the Lower Provinces. The following is the passage containing the last mentioned suggestion of the Commissioners: —
" 30. In the construction of this bridge, and of all others of great magnitude, as the crossing of the Hugly and the Jumna, hereafter to be referred to, we would recommend that they be made of ample width, not only for
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the railway, but also for a common highway, which may be separated from the railway by a screen of masonry. The additional cost of such extra width, at the time of construction, will be but little in comparison with the cost of a separate structure for the public highway, and compensation might be given to the railway company for the extra outlay, either by Government supplying an equivalent portion of the cost, or granting them the right of levying a toll for a given number of years.
31. On the other hand, we would advise that all bridges of great magnitude, erected by Government, for the purpose of any public highway in any part of India, should he constructed of ample width to accommodate a railway also, if there should appear any moderate probability that such a work would become desirable for, or likely to be executed in that direction within any reasonable period of time."
We will here notice the statements both of the Commissioners and of Mr. Stephenson respecting the levels, because they may interest some of our readers. Up to or near the Dunwa pass, about 250 miles from Calcutta, the Commissioners state,
<br>"the gradients of the line will be very easy, and although steeper gradients will have to be here introduced to overcome the natural barriers, we do not expect from the levels taken they need be greater than can be worked by assistant power, when the trains are heavy, and it is the only place upon the whole line where favourable gradients cannot be obtained at a small cost, as regards the earthworks."
<br>So, Mr. Stephenson;
" the line which has been surveyed after leaving the valley of the Barrackur ascends the hilly range at an inclination in no case exceeding the limits of locomotive power."
<br>By a statement before us it appears that from Calcutta to Burdwan the steepest ascent is 1 in 336 for a distance of about two furlongs with a descent at the rate of 1 in 379 for about the same distance. From thence ascending towards the Barrackur, a distance of about fifteen miles, the ascents are still very easy, the steepest being I in 366 and 1 in 377, for a distance of less than half a mile only: then descending the valley of the river (Barrackur) at the rate of 1 in 220 for little more than a quarter of a mile. The greatest rise now commences towards the hilly range; but it in no case exceeds 1 in 100, and that incline is a plane of less than a third of a mile: one descending plane is about the same incline and of the same length, 1 in 155 and 1 in 186 are the only other ascents under 1 in 255, till the highest ground is gained. We have reason to believe that better gradients will be found than those described at the Dunwa pass: where however Mr. Stephenson represents the descent as more abrupt, but still admitting of such gradients " as will render the use of fixed engines unnecessary." There the descent is commenced by three inclines, two of 1 in 61 and one of 1 in 62; in length together under a mile and a
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half, and having horizontal levels between them of about a furlong each in length. One other short plane of 1 in 138 and the fall becomes very easy to Chunar. From thence to Mirzapore the gradients are easy: the descent of 1 in 306 being the steepest. From Mirzapore to Allahabad one half the distance is a horizontal level and enters Allahabad by a short ascent of 1 in 377. From Allahabad to Cawnpore is a general and very light rise, the greatest ascent being 1 in 2064 and the steepest descent 1 in 1508; and from Cawnpore to Agra and Delhi the rise is also general and very slight. Mr. Stephenson says,
<br>"from Allahabad to Agra and Delhi, the country presents probably fewer engineering difficulties than are found in almost any other district of equal extent. The inclination of the country rises gradually from Allahabad, varying from twelve to thirty-six inches in the mile, with scarcely any perceptible variation."
Following the order of the Report we will next notice the branches proposed by the Commissioners: —
<br>"35. Having now explained our view as to a suitable line for a railway between Calcutta and Mirzapore, we will before proceeding further describe the branches we should propose to diverge therefrom to give the most extensive accommodation to the country at large, and to relieve the traffic of the Ganges proceeding to Calcutta from its great drawback during at least eight months of the year—namely, the circuitous route by the Sunderbunds, when the waters of the Bhagirutti are too low to admit of the more direct route from the Ganges to the capital of India.
<br>"36. The first branch should be from a point near Burdwan to Rajmahal, along the district of country selected many years ago by Lieutenant Colonel Forbes for the Rajmahal canal; such a railway will, in future, supersede the necessity for the canal, which, however, would have conferred great benefit on the trade of the country if carried into execution when he first proposed it ; the fact that such a canal has been for many years a desideratum, proves the same thing in favour of the more modern mode of intercommunication.
<br>"37. Besides the accommodation of the trade of the Ganges, it will give accommodation to Purneah, Malda, Dinagepore, Rungpore, and the country in that direction through which it may possibly hereafter be found desirable to extend this refined mode of transit.
<br>"38. After all that has been stated from time to time in favour of Lieutenant Colonel Forbes' important work, nothing more need be added in favour of a branch railway in that direction. This branch would be about 120 miles in length."
The above branch is a modification of the line proposed by the Great Western Railway Company: —
<br>"39. The second branch we would propose would leave the main line about five miles eastward of Shuhurghotti, and pass northwards through Gaya to Patna and Dinapore, thus accommodating a very important district of country, as well- as the military and civil stations above-named; and on the opposite side of the Ganges, the valuable district of Tirhut, Sarun, &c. this branch will be about eighty miles in length."
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This we believe to be an original proposal of the Commissioners; but it coincides with the original design of the East Indian Railway Company, to construct as many branches from the grand trunk line as shall appear desirable to complete the system of railway communication in the Lower Provinces: —
<br>"40. Another branch might probably be advantageously made from the main line up the valley of the Soane to the coal-fields westward of Rotasgurh; but we do not lay much stress upon its immediate formation as a branch, until it be ascertained whether or not the main line from Bombay will take that course, as it appeared some time ago probable that such, might be the case. Such a branch may be found desirable, if not indispensable to the interests of the railway company, as they might thereby obtain coal for their own purposes, as well as to supply the public in that and the still higher parts of India."
The reader will observe, the importance of obtaining fresh supplies of coal for the public is distinctly recognized in this extract.
<br>"41. The last branch we propose for immediate construction on this portion of the great trunk line from Calcutta to the North-West Provinces should be, as stated in paragraph 32, from about nine miles before reaching Chunar to Raj Ghat, opposite Benares, a distance of about seventeen miles."
Such are the branch lines in the Lower Provinces suggested by the Commissioners: they do not include the line commonly known here as the Bhagwangolah line, which was proposed by the Northern and Eastern Railway Company.
The Commissioners appear to have rejected this project, for much the same reason as we alleged against it, namely, the unsettled state of the Ganges and shifting character of the bed of this river at the proposed upper terminus of this railway. Their statement is as follows: —
<br>"19. In furtherance of this object" (i. e. the choice of a line for a branch from the Ganges) " we extended our examination, in November last, to the country north of Kishnagur, through Berhampore and Mtirshedabad to Bhagwangola, with a view to a branch railway from Kishnagur to those places ; and although the country is highly favourable for such a project, yet the great mart at Bhagwangola is of so unfixed a character from the extensive and continued changing of the bed of the Ganges, that, unless its continuation northward and eastward be considered desirable, it would appear that a branch to Bhagwangola simply to accommodate the trade that now passes along the Ganges to Calcutta by the Sunderbunds route, will not be found to answer as a commercial speculation : a permanent point, however, on the banks of the Ganges exists at or near Rajmahal, which might be suitable to receive the great traffic of the river, and be connected with the trunk line, a little northward of Burdwan, and found advantageous to the general trade of the country, in like manner as the proposed canal of Lieut. Colonel Forbes would certainly have done if that important work had been carried into execution. Such a branch railway would in no point be removed very far to the westward of the projected line of the canal in question."
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The Report next traces a line upwards from Mirzapore to Delhi. The conciseness of this portion of the Report enables us to give it entire: —
<br>"44. On the extension of the line from Mirzapore to Delhi, but little need be said respecting this portion of the proposed works. In length it will be about the same as that of the line we have already described, Mirzapore being about midway between Calcutta and Delhi. The direction of the line will be neatly as follows: —between Mirzapore and Allahabad it will trend a little to the south of a direct line, to secure better ground for a foundation to the works. Upon this portion of the line the railway will cross the river Tounse, and in order to extend it into the Doab, the river Jumna must also be crossed at or near to Alhahabad ; a suitable spot for crossing exists near the present bridge of boats. Thus, the military magazine at Allahabad would be connected by railway with Calcutta, and, by the extension to Agra and Delhi, with the magazines at those places respectively.
<br>"45. Leaving Allahabad, the railway would keep on the south west side of the trunk-road to Futtehpore and Cawnpore, thence it might take a direct line to Mynpooree, which would be its proper course if continued direct to Delhi ; but if it be finally resolved that the line should pass through Agra, and thence to Delhi, along the right bank of the river Jumna, it would be more desirable that the railway should proceed from Cawnpore by Shekrabad to Agra, as that line would not only be shorter, but would avoid the crossing of one or more nullahs than it would have to do if taken by Mynpooree.
<br>"46. Supposing that its route would be through Agra, it would again cross the river Jumna at the latter city, a suitable site for which purpose would be a little northward of the present bridge of boats and passing the civil lines to the north of the Government offices and Ackbar's tomb at Secundrn, take a tolerably direct course through Muthra to Delhi.
<br>"47. A suitable place for a station at Agra exists where the rails, continued from the bridge, would become level with the present surface of the ground, about midway between the river and the civil lines, and, if necessary, such station could be connected with the hank of the river at a much lower level than the railway, by a branch descending to the water's edge.
<br>"48. Before, however, determining that the main line should pass through Agra to Delhi, it is a subject for consideration, whether or not it would be more desirable to take the line direct through Allyghur, and cross the river Jumna at Delhi ; for this purpose a suitable place for crossing the river is immediately to the northward of the palace, whence it could be continued along the bank of the river to a station on the vacant ground at the back of the magazine, and, if necessary, can at any time be prolonged northward, past cantonments, towards Kurnaul.
<br>"49. The advantage of the direct line to Delhi over that by Agra would be, —1st, the shortening of the distance between Calcutta and the frontier; 2nd, passing through, probably, a richer agricultural district than would be done on the route between Delhi and Agra; and 3rd, in case of invasion from the westward, a possible, although not probable, occurrence, the railway would be protected by the river Jumna. On the other hand, the city of Agra, at present the capital of the North-West Provinces, with its magazine, would be less directly connected with the frontier and the magazine at Delhi, if
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situated at the extremity of a branch, then if placed upon the main line. The country also to the west of the river Jumna, although perhaps not so productive to the agriculturist as that in the Doab yet is admitted possessing a very considerable trade.
<br>"50. As respects the two routes, in an engineering point of view, there appears to be no great difference, for although on the direct line there would be the additional cost of crossing the river Hindon (no trifling matter, certainly, unless as suggested by his Honour the Lieutenant Governor of the Upper Provinces, the crossing be effected below the junction of the Hindon with the Jumna, if the Jumna itself be as manageable there as at Agra or Delhi) the route, by way of Agra, would be about 20 miles longer, and consequently, from that cause, increase the cost of construction to probably within a trifle of that of the direct route.
<br>"51. If Agra be accommodated with a branch line only, and that branch be terminated on the opposite side of the river to the city, it would be highly inconvenient and undesirable ; but if a bridge is to be constructed at Agra, at oil events, to carry the railway into the city, which it should by all means do, then the consideration would be greatly in favour of taking the main line by the Agra route, for the more perfect accommodation of that great capital of Upper India.
<br>"52. Whichever of the two directions for the main line between Cawnpore and Delhi be finally fixed upon by Government as most desirable, the line can, at any future time, be extended to Kurnaul and to the frontier, where a terminus might be established on the highest navigable part of the Sutlej, and thus connect the great rivers, the Indus and Ganges."
Next, the Report suggests several branches in the Upper Provinces: viz. one to Furrukabad, one to Allyghur, one to Meerut, and a fourth to Simla and Mussoorie, upon the extension of the main line to Kurnaul, or rather, looking at the map, we should say, a fifth branch from Meerut to Mussoorie. Our readers in the Upper Provinces will take an interest in the paragraphs recommending these branches: — "
<br>"53. The branches to be recommended for construction on this upper portion of the main line from Calcutta to the North-West would be one to Furrukabad, a second to Allyghur, a third to Meerut, and, upon the future extension of the line to Kurnaul, a branch could be advantageously con structed thence north-eastward towards the hills on which the sanitary stations of Simla and Mussoorie are situated, or wherever else it may be found desirable.
<br>"54. The first branch, or that to Furrukabad, would leave the main line about 60 miles north eastward of Cawnpore; and proceed direct, the length being about 45 miles from the line, through Shekrabad to Agra, and 32 miles if taken from the direct line to Delhi through Mynpooree.
<br>"55. The second branch, or that to Allyghur, would lead direct from Agra, and would be about 48 miles long. But if the direct line to Delhi be adopted, this branch would not be required, as the line itself would pass through Allyghur.
<br>"56. The third branch would be from Delhi to Meerut, and 36 miles long, and which, if the main line takes the right bank of the river, we propose should terminate opposite to the city of Delhi, as it appears to us the traffic would not be sufficient to warrant the expense of constructing a costly bridge over the river Jumna for the purpose.
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<br>"57- The fourth branch, namely from Kurnaul towards the hills requires no further remark at the present time than we have already bestowed upon it.
<br>"58. If, however, it should ultimately be resolved that the direct line to Delhi through Allyghur be adopted, the branch to Agra would leave such main line near to Secundra, a distance of about 40 miles."
To enable contracting parties to open the whole line at the earliest period with the least possible outlay, the Commissioners suggest laying down in the first instance a single line of rail way, with all necessary passing places, and accordingly preparing the permanent way for a single line, but at the same time requiring the earthworks and masonry to be constructed for the reception of a double line. And in conclusion the Commissioners recommend what we contended for, that the whole distance from Calcutta to Delhi should be viewed as one line and be worked and conducted by one company. The one company alone willing to undertake the whole, is the East Indian Railway Company; and from the recent amalgamation of the Great Western with this Company, it appears to us not improbable that the entire system of railway communication for the Bengal and Agra Presidencies will be the work of one consolidated company.
The following appear to be the amount of railway communication recommended by the Commissioners: the distances are stated approximately
:
THE GRAND TRUNK LINE.
Miles.
From Calcutta to Delhi 900
Extension of same to Kurnaul     60
BRANCHES.
From near Burdwan to Rajmahal 120
Shirgotty to Patna and Dinapore   80
Chunar to Rajghat, opposite Benares .     17
66 miles N. W. of Cawnpore to Furrukabad     45*
From Agra to Allyghur   48f
Delhi to Meerut   36
Meerut by Hardwar and the Deyra to Mussoorie  118
Delhi, Kurnaul and Umballa on towards
the frontier to Simla 120
• Or if from Delhi,   32 miles.
f Or no branch to this place if the line goes direct to Delhi.
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The Report is wholly silent on the subject of the cost of constructing these Railways: but Mr. Simms, it appears, had stated it, in a letter to Government, at £15,000 per mile for the grand trunk line, as an approximate estimate. In the Diamond Harbour Report, however, which is dated several months later, Mr. Simms has given much and valuable supplementary matter on this subject and on the cost of Railways in several countries. In an appendix to the Report are no fewer than seven Tables, too long to extract, but of which we will endeavour to make a Summary. Table I. enumerates fifty-seven Railways in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, of the total length of 2,177½ miles costing £76,137,441, being an average of £34,965 per mile. With the exception of one line of eighteen miles in length (Hayle) the cost of which is stated at £6,940 per mile, the lowest cost is of two Scotch lines of £8,710 and £8,570 per mile, in length seven and seventeen miles; there is no line exceeding fifty miles in length, of which the cost is not upwards of £20.000 per mile, and the lines of more than 100 miles in length include four of which the cost per mile is £46,355, £55,330, £52,780, and £44,412. Table II. shews the average cost per English mile of the principal lines of Railway in France executed and in the course of construction. The smallest cost per mile is £18,050; the highest (from Paris to St. Germain's) £39,000 per mile; but as those finished are not distinguished from those in course of construction, an ultimate average cannot be deduced from this Table. According to Table III. Austria has two lines (length not given) costing £11,675 and £16,360 per English mile; and according to Table IV. Prussia three lines (length not given) costing £12,323, £10,179 and £ 28,334 per English mile. The average cost according to Table V. of the Railways in Belgium, the older ones of which were constructed by the Belgian Government, is £15,313 per English mile on 347 miles. In Table VI. the average cost per mile of American railways is shewn; and here it appears what the English race (for such we regard our United States brethren) can do when free from antiquated ideas and untrammelled by Government regulations. This Table exhibits a list of fifty railroads of the aggregate length of 2,638¾ miles, and the total cost is £12,783,616, which sum total gives an average of £4,844 per mile. But a great many of the lines enumerated' are merely for the transit of goods, others are for limited purposes, and cannot be brought into comparison with the European lines, and the average cost of the passenger lines in America is stated in the Edinburgh Review, No. CLXX. to
*OUR INDIAN RAILAVAYS. 343
be about £9,010 per mile. There is a 7th and concluding Table, which gives the cost of the permanent way on various double lines of railway in Great Britain and shews that the cost of the Permanent Way alone averages £5,167 per mile. We have thus noticed the appendix or Tables first, to prepare our readers for the discussion as to the probable cost of Indian railways. A reputed competent authority had estimated rupees 44,000 (£4,400) per mile as the cost of a railway from Calcutta to the Upper Provinces, constructed in the most " efficient manner," " capable of transporting the whole traffic of the country, with a double line of the best and strongest construction :" and this sum is estimated to include the cost of bridges, over the Jellinghi, the Bhagirutti, Soane and Ganges twice, namely, at Benares and Allahabad, besides the many other rivers and nullahs,—which, although denominated small in this country, where they are compared with the Ganges, etc. yet in England would be considered great—and likewise of all necessary engineering and surveying.
Mr. Simms deals with this estimate as if it were founded on a supposed analogy between India and the United States, as regards the construction of railways ; and in this point of view, his observations are convincing and satisfactory, and we will quote them presently; they prove the writer alluded to, to be in error: but we must remark that the said " reputed competent authority" is a Bengal Engineer Officer, and we understand his estimate as being made upon data derived chiefly from the assumed cost of the new Benares road, and the price of labour and materials in this country. We therefore beg to say that no one department of Government nor all the departments of Government, nor Government itself, nor the Court of Directors know what the grand trunk road, in its present half -finished state, with half its bridges not begun and some already fallen to ruins, has cost, nor what it will cost, nor hardly its present state, and that this said road is about the most fallacious criterion which could possibly be referred to, in estimating for railways. What however Mr. Simms says about American railways we will quote, to correct an opinion which prevails, we believe, in some quarters, that the cheap lines of America are good models for lines in India, —merely premising that since the report was written, the Edinburgh Review, has given apparently upon good information the cost of passenger lines at £9,000 per mile, shewing former estimates in error: —
"54. The cost of the American railways would appear generally to be far tinder that of the European lines; and this being popularly known,
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has led to the proposal that the Railways in India should be constructed after the American model, thinking thereby to ensure an equally low outlay, but it should be remembered that the circumstances and requirements of the two countries, as also of the climate, are greatly dissimilar, and that the appliances of the one country neither exist in or are suitable to the other.
<br>"55. Those of the American lines which are constructed at so small an outlay, are, I believe, chiefly made through districts where timber can be had either for felling, or at a very small cost ; whilst on the other hand we find that where timber is not so plentiful, and the traffic great and well developed, aa it is in the populous and wealthy districts, a more substantial, or European form of railway is constructed, and of course at a much greater cost. This will go a long way to explain the reason of the disparity in the several expenditures as set forth in the Table VI, Appendix D. Although no doubt an uneven surface of ground, or the existence of rivers has much to do with this great outlay and leads to this better kind of construction; as the maintaining of cheap timber works on so extensive a scale would probably be ultimately found the costliest on account of their repairs and restorations. Thus the cost of the Philadelphia and Wilmington line was per mile £32,450;—The Baltimore and Ohio £l 2,444 ;—Harlem £27,500;— Washington Branch of the Baltimore and Ohio £11,010.—Philadelphia and Reading £10,526,—Philadelphia and Norristown £10,000, —Jersey City to New Brunswick £11,765,—Columbia and Philadelphia, £10,544— Boston and Lowell £12,453,—On none of which railways were rails laid down of more than 56 lbs. to the yard, on many only 4 5 and 40lbs., on others named in the table, nothing more than plate iron fastened down to the surface of wooden rails were used, and this appears to have been the general plan for the low priced railways ; (on some of which I believe no iron at all was placed) and they were mostly only single lines.
<br>"56. Besides the quantity of timber used in the construction of the permanent way, many of their rivers are spanned with their timber bridges, as on the Utica and Syracuse railway, where the Mohawk river is crossed with timber, in one span of 100 feet ; also the Oneidia creek which is crossed with one span of 84 feet and sixty of 29 feet each, (no contemptible work) and many others; such an extent in the application of timber is quite as it should be in a timber bearing country, and where the climate, etc. is not unusually detrimental to its durability.
<br>"57. In India however the case is widely different, so many destructive agents are constantly at work upon timber, that it is desirable to use it as sparingly as possible: and not only on that account, for in Bengal and the North West Provinces, (at least along the line of country selected, and proper for the railroad,) another particularly good reason exists against its extensive use, namely, that little or no timber is to be had near the line, of suitable dimension or quality for the work, for although it passes through an immense extent of jungle country, yet the timber therein is mostly a small sized saul, so thin as to be applicable to little else but the fencing, wherever posts and rails may be used for that purpose ; and along the Dooab for hundreds of miles there is no timber at all either available or suitable. Therefore, whatever quantity of that material may ultimately be employed in the construction of the railroads in this part of Bengal and the Upper Provinces, must be brought from the hill countries a great distance, and consequently at a great expense, and I will be much mistaken if the advocates for wooden railways m Bengal would not find them anything but cheap in their first cost, as well as in their subsequent maintenance.
68. It appears therefore that these considerations afford a sufficient answer to the advocates of the cheap American railroads for India. The Americans
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themselves are now, if I am rightly informed, gradually replacing their early temporary railways by those of a more substantial structure. Therefore, for India, all things considered, I would advise that the railroads be made in the most substantial manner, as the most durable, and economical in the main."
Having thus disposed of the argument founded on the supposed cost of American lines, the report proceeds to comment on the estimate of £4,400 per mile already referred to: —
<br>"60. The sum named, £4,400, is less than the average of all the American railways as given in Table VI., which I have shown to be constructed in a manner quite unsuitable to the climate of this country. But the statement I allude to professes to provide for nothing short of " a most efficient construction with a double line of rails, etc." The lowest cost of the European railroads is, some of the English lines, see Table I, Appendix D. namely Alysbury junction £8,710, Hayle £6,910, Arbroath and Forfar £9,214, Dundee and Arbroath £8,570, Sheffield and Rotherham £9,470, Gravesend and Rochester £13,333, and the Norfolk £13,150; next are those of Austria, Table III. viz. £11,675 and £16,360. But, the Belgian railroads, which are continually quoted as samples of cheap railroad construction, average £17,252 per mile for a double line; and certainly no country in the world is better adapted for railway purposes, either as to level surface, or the absence of rivers. The extent of labour for earth work must have been trifling, quite as little mile for mile as it can possibly be from Calcutta to the Upper Provinces* (judging from my knowledge of the two countries) and also with the absence of any bridge that would bear comparison in magnitude with what will here be required over some of the nullahs, much less such crossings as the Bhagirutti, the Soane, and the Ganges.
<br>"61. The last Table VII. of Appendix D. gives the actual cost of constructing the permanent way only of many of the British railroads, and also their average cost. This table will show to any unprofessional person the cost of that important part of such works, for it is impossible that the upper works of Indian Railways (the permanent way as it is technically called) can be less costly than in England, inasmuch as nearly all the materials for the same must be brought from thence, and therefore the charge for freight and the subsequent land or water carriage added to the price in Britain must make the Indian outlay the greater of the two, unless any diminution can be made in the cost of sleepers, blocks, ballast, or labour which I do not expect will be the case, except perhaps in the comparatively small item of labour, but this is very doubtful as it will require a better class of men than the ordinary labourers (or coolies) to do the work, because this operation must be performed with great accuracy, as both life and property depend much thereon in railway travelling : I see no reason therefore to expect but that the cost of the permanent way on the Indian lines will exceed that of the British lines.
<br>"62. According to Table VII. the smallest outlay per mile for the permanent way double line was on the Birmingham and Gloucester, namely, £3,708 and the highest on the Blackwall £7,872. These differences chiefly arise from the difference in the weight of metal used, and the variation in the price of iron, etc. at different times; I have known rails to be contracted for at £7 per ton, and also as high as £12 and upwards, and immediately preceding my leaving England in 1845, we made contracts for a large quantity at £10-10 per ton, which is about the price at the present time: £10 having been the average for several years, and appears likely
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to continue so for some time to come. The average cost of the permanent way per mile of all the Railways in the table amounts to £5,167.
<br>"63. For all the leading or trunk lines or those upon which a large and heavy traffic is expected in India, I would recommend nothing short of the most substantial kind of construction, and with rails of not less than 60 lbs. to the lineal yard, the chairs and fastenings to be also of the most perfect kind, (those formerly used to be, too slight to insure due stability). Such a mode of procedure will be found in the main to be the most economical, especially in a country where the climate is to a certain extent unfavourable to such works, and numerous destructive causes are in continued action.
<br>"64. The cost of a most perfect form of permanent way only, for a double line of Railway through Bengal and N. W. Provinces will average about £7,500 per mile complete, being exclusive of earth works, masonry, or fencing, &c. If this statement be correct, and it is borne out by Table VII. of Appendix 1), allowing for the difference in the weight of rails and chairs, as well as freight to and carriage in India, it shows the fallacy of the statements tl-at have hitherto been put forth respecting the cost of Railways in Bengal, more especially when it has been proposed for a much less sum than the permanent way alone would actually cost, in addition thereto to execute all the ordinary earth works, drainage and fencing, and to span the Jellinghi, the Bhagirutti, the Soane, and the Ganges twice, besides several minor rivers which in the rainy season would well compare with the Thames at London or even make it look small."
To take so much trouble to refute so absurd an estimate we should have pronounced supercrogatary, but both the " old Indian Post Master," as Mr. Simnis probably was aware, and the author of the " Letter to the Shareholders," dwell on the estimate alluded to, —the latter literally adopting it, the former quoting it as good as far it goes, but ad ding £2,100 per mile for items assumed not to be included in it; and concluding thus,—
"total £6,500: allowing an ample margin for contingencies say per mile £8,000."
It is pleasant to compare these different authorities with one another. While the Bengal Military Engineer officer says £4,400 per mile, the Old Post Master swears by him, yet swells the sum first to £6,500 and then to £8,000, having only two pages before made in a note the following statement: —
" The line from Calcutta to Mirzapore, if executed in the manner proposed by the Railway Commissioners, may be estimated at £20,000 per mile; from Allahabad to Delhi £8,000; Calcutta to the Sutledge, it would be an average from £12,000 to £15,000." " Oh, it depends on the manner in which the works are executed?"
We reply, that is no solution of the difficulty: besides the Bengal Engineer Officer makes no distinction of this sort but makes his estimate for works to be executed in the most substantial manner, and Mr. Simms recommends the most substantial construction for India.
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Before we enter upon the questions of traffic and returns and some other general subjects we will proceed to notice the papers laid before Parliament with the Report, containing the views of the Governor-General and the Government of India : and we may observe, for the information of some of our readers, that these are wholly distinct, as the Governor-General when absent from Council has separate functions, and the Council, on the other hand, has full legislative competence without him. The letter from Government is entitled as issuing from the Legislative Department, but our readers should be informed that this is a mere nominal distinction and not one of persons; for, the three gentlemen signing the same are the Government of India in all its Departments, and one of the three has the entire Government of Bengal on his Atlantean shoulders, without a council. To this paucity, or numerical poverty, we referred in our former article, as one reason against the construction and management of railways in India being undertaken by Government. Parliament in the Charter Act wisely gave India a number of councillors called a Law commission, but, judging from the result, it would seem to have been the policy of the Court of Directors first to paralyze and then gradually to remove this arm : and now,—if charity can pardon the use of a somewhat strong but not inappropriate metaphor,—these its brains being knocked out, Government here has virtually become a mere affair of executive departments with a nominally local head, the real head being the Court of Directors in England which interferes about the smallest details. We must also premise that repeated reference is made in these papers to letters from Mr. Siuams to the Government; and considering the weight which belongs to this gentleman's opinions, these letters, it appears to us, ought to have been given to Parliament. The letter from Government to the Court of Directors also informs us, that an analysis of the questions connected with the introduction of railways was prepared by the under Secretary of Government, with a view of facilitating the consideration of those questions. Albeit, though we have not these documents, we will make the most of what we have, and endeavour to supply the place of what we have not, by inference. Our object in this portion of our article will be, to shew what questions have been considered by Government, and its decision or opinion upon those questions. The questions stated in the letter to have come under the consideration of Government, are the following:-
<br>" By what provision shall Railway Companies obtain the use of the land required for Railways? 
*348 OUR INDIAN RAILWAYS.
<br>" In what manner shall the Government of India secure itself the option of becoming hereafter the proprietor of Rail ways which may now be constructed by private enterprise?
<br>" What shall be the consequences to a Railway Company of a failure on their part to complete the construction of a Railway once commenced, or to maintain it when completed?
<br>" Whether any amount of dividend shall be guaranteed by Government, as payable either after the opening of the Rail way upon the whole capital expended, or while the work is in progress upon the sums laid out from time to time in its construction?
<br>" The expediency of a perfect control being exercised by Government over the management of them when opened for public use."
Upon the first question Mr. Simms, in a letter to Government, appears to have recommended that the Government should deliver the land free of cost to the Railway Companies. About the acquisition of the land Mr. Stephenson also had corresponded with Government. His proposal was to pay for the land, but for Government to take it. On the proposal of Mr. Simms the letter of Government says,
<br>" It is entirely approved of by us, because we are of opinion that the purchase of land required for railways is a transaction capable of being effected much more easily by the Government than by a Railway Company; and because we consider that if substantial assistance of any kind is to be given by the Government to Railway Companies, Mr. Simms's proposal suggests the least objectionable mode of affording assistance."
It may therefore be considered as settled that Government will take the land required by the Railway Companies ; but it appears to us that a modified power to take land should also be conferred on the Railway Company ; not in our view for the purpose of limiting the exercise of the power by Government, but of supplying its place, if and when for special reasons it becomes inexpedient that Government should exercise it. If such a case never arises, the power will simply be a dead letter; but it may be wanted and is better given at first than when about to be exercised. As to the second question, —
<br>"The manner in which the Government of India shall secure to itself the option of becoming here after the proprietor of railways which may now be constructed by private enterprise."—
Mr. Simms, it appears, adopting a principle of the most recent railway legislation in England, had recommended, that after a certain number of years the railway should be delivered over to the Government in a good and substantial state of repair without payment, except for locomotive engines,
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carriages, trucks and the various tools and materials. The Managing Director of the East Indian Railway Company, in like manner, adopting the same principle, had proposed that the Government after twenty years, should be at liberty to purchase under conditions to be agreed upon. Both propositions assume the expediency of vesting the property in Indian Railways in the Indian Government; and the conclusion to which the Government has come in answer to the question is the one the least open to objection.
<br>" We think," says the letter of Government, " that in the provision that may be made for securing to the Government the possession of the railways hereafter, it will be sufficient to reserve to the Government the power of becoming the proprietor of the railways on settled terms at the expiration of a certain period, and it appears to us that this may conveniently be done by adopting the principle of the pro visions of 7 and 8 Vict. c. 85."
With respect to the " terms" to be settled, we are aware they will be settled between the Railway Companies and the authorities in England; but we have turned to the minutes to see what are the ideas entertained here by the most influential parties respecting them. The President of the Council suggests, that, at the end of 25 years, the railways should revert to Government, as a farm reverts to the landlord at the end "
of a lease, which is very different from an " option," and that in default of Government agreeing to grant a new lease, the Government should be at liberty to take the railway property moveable and immoveable, at the then marketable value to be ascertained by a valuation; or assuming the capital of the company to be the value of the property of the Company, to pay the shareholders three per cent. per annum, on that capital: in the former case, that is, of taking over the property at a valuation, that the Government should issue promissory notes for the amount bearing the lowest rate of interest at which the Government is then borrowing or can borrow money. No Railway Company we apprehend would regard these terms as admissible.
<br>The next question stated is,
<br>"What shall be the consequences to a Railway Company of a failure on their part to complete the construction of a line once commenced or to maintain it when completed?" Mr. Simms had suggested that the Company should be required to pay into the Treasury one-tenth of its proposed capital. In a public point of view this appears to us unobjectionable; it at once tests the ability of the Company; throws the project into the hands of those alone who can carry it out, persons of real capital, and being thus
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the best security against failure it practically supersedes the above question. A similar condition, is or was, imposed by the standing orders of both houses of Parliament. Mr. Millett (one of the Members of Government) expresses a strong dissent from this proposal. "
It is very objectionable and unnecessary as a measure of precaution." But we must remark that a stipulation for a forfeiture— (as is recommended by Government)— is harsh, and with reference to the argument adduced in its favour, a forfeiture is a nonscquihir.
<br>" As the Government will be put to very considerable expense in providing land for railways, it is but just that it should impose obligations for reimbursement in case of failure," etc., —
reimbursement, then, is what should be insisted upon and not forfeiture. Besides there is palpable want of equity in imposing a forfeiture which there is not in Mr. Simms's proposition. According to the minute of Lord Hardinge, the land will cost but £200 a mile, or £200,000 altogether; the forfeiture may be any sum from the smallest up to fifteen million! We much prefer to this, the imposition of conditions which will of necessity bring in capitalists or extinguish the project in its infancy. Yet we would not omit from our pre-arrangements the possible contingency of a failure: let failure be supposed as possible: but then, so far as innocent shareholders are concerned, deal with it as a misfortune (for such we apprehend it will be) rather than a fault, and to be mitigated in every possible manner.
<br>On the next question, viz: —
<br>"Whether any amount of dividend should be guaranteed by Government," etc.—the answer is as follows; —" We are of opinion that it is not expedient that Government should guarantee any amount of dividend cither while the railway is being constructed or after its completion. The concession of the land to Railway Companies free of cost, is, we think, the most appropriate and the only kind of assistance which the Government should lend to these companies."
<br>But what, if, without a guarantee no company can be found to construct a railroad? This question appears not to have been considered, nor even the idea to have occurred to the members of Government. It is but fair, however, to observe, that in April 1846, the circumstances which have made it necessary for Government to guarantee some dividend in order to induce capitalists to embark on these undertakings, were but imperfectly known or developed. The next point considered is,
<br>" The expediency of a perfect control being exercised by Government over the plan and construction of railway? and over the management of them when open for public use.
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" The answer of Government affirms that such control is expedient. We should be disposed to demur when we run over the list of departments and functionaries attached to Government; but in the appointment of Mr. Simms we hope we have an assurance, that the powers of control, as it respects "
plan and construction and management,
" will be given only to the most competent persons; as Government has begun, we may hope it will go on; its civil engineering appointments we may from this instance believe are to be open to competition ; for railway works we may hope England is to be its school, and by a wise policy we doubt not it will be found that this noble school for public works will send to these "climes of the sun" some of the brightest names in practical science. We now turn to the Minute of the Governor-General, and are much mistaken, if his Lordship has written any State Paper in India on which he can reflect with more satisfaction, or which will more worthily illustrate his sagacity, penetration, foresight and practical wisdom as a statesman. We will give the substance of it with a brief and rapid comment. It begins with the usual exordium, expressing a general concurrence in the view taken by the President of Council, and as regards the tine, sanctions the grand trunk line; which line chiefly, if not exclusively, appears to have attracted his Lordship's attention. To its peculiar and superior advantages, in a military, political and commercial point of view, the encouragement which he would counsel the Court to give to railroads, has exclusive reference; indeed, we are not aware that any other line offers comparable political and military advantages (if any such advantages at all) to Government. As to the land the Governor General is of the same opinion as the Council, viz. that " it should be procured by the sole agency of Government."
<br>But as to the encouragement which Government should give, the Governor General is much more liberal than the Council.
<br>" I am of opinion that the assistance to be given ought not to be limited merely to the land ;"—and for these reasons, 1st, that the value of the land, (estimated by his Lordship at £200 a mile) " is not commensurate with the advantages which the State would derive from rapid and daily communication from Calcutta to Delhi ; and 2ndly, that English capitalists, in the absence of information as to the probable expense of construction and working, will not enter into the speculation without more substantial encouragement from the Government."
The event has proved the correctness of Lord Hardinge's judgment, and the point of view in which
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his Lordship has considered the subject is that which eventually must be taken by the authorities in England. His Lordship next refers to the considerations which give the grand trunk line a claim to the assistance of Government: these considerations are (as already noticed) the political and military importance of the grand trunk line, as well as its utility to commerce in general. As to the amount of assistance to be given: —
<br>" The calculation of the contribution to be given, would be based on the political, military and commercial advantages which would be derived from the completion and full operation of such a line:"
at the same time, as these advantages include many not susceptible of arithmetical calculation, and really are of paramount importance, we believe the conclusion to which his Lordship would lead the Court is, that whatever encouragement or assistance may be necessary ought to be given : and believing this to be his Lordship's opinion, by no forced construction, we may pass over his several details, which we regard as mere examples, by no means meant, as exhibiting the entire components of the sum total of pecuniary benefit the grand trunk line will bring to the government ; on the contrary, his Lordship mentions £50,000 as saved by army reduction, only because that is a noble item, and well knowing that if his Lordship had employed his official influence also to make out the littles, they would have proved the proverb, of " many littles making a muckle," and in the result he would have shown that compared with the palpable saving a railway will occasion, the most liberal idea hitherto entertained of encouragement is really a trifle. In one respect, however, his Lordship betrays a mis taken impression; he appears to think no aid from Government will be needed until the line is completed; something to that effect, according to our recollection, was said by Mr. Stephenson; but circumstances have changed, and as aid is needed at the commencement we think it clear, from the whole tenor of the Minute, that Lord Hardinge would decide in favour of its being immediately given. We must not omit to observe, that the Governor-General has in no degree sanctioned the maxim that the chief objects of railroads are political. The time is to come when " the sword shall be beaten into the ploughshare," and then what becomes of such a maxim and its consequence? Why should their chief objects be political in India any more than in England? Lord Hardinge's Minute also abstains from asserting' that railroads ought to belong to government; it rather implies the opposite principle; for it distinctly states that, " if it could be assumed that the whole cost of the speculation, as is usually the case
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in England, would repay the adventurers by the traffic in passengers, it would be more prudent to leave the whole affair in the hands of the Company; the State here, as in England, deriving its advantage without interfering with the profits of the Company." The Indian Government is no better or not so favourably circumstanced for any kind of interference with railroads as the English Government. As a government it can only command for railroads, the skill which it can rear at Addiscombe; and while it would be under very great disadvantage, compared with a commercial Company, in the open market of skill and talent, it may obtain by stipulation and contracts under legislative sanction all the benefits it can require as a Government. Let us however be candid and admit that a new element is introduced into the question, if Railroad Companies require the assistance of Government. If a proprietary interest is forced upon the Government, it may plausibly claim a proprietary influence; though it would be wiser, as we think, to take engagements for repayment of its advances, at the earliest possible day; to regard itself as a mortgagee out of possession rather than a part owner, joint tenant or tenant in possession. We can scarcely doubt that when Lord Hardinge, with the Minutes of Council before him, penned the passage we have quoted, he was impressed with this opinion ; and the difference in this respect between his Lordship and the opinions of Council is just the usual difference between English and Indian politicians and statesmen, in their ideas of the competence, function and province of Government, and the scope and efficiency of the enterprise of individuals. In taking a general view of the papers just noticed, we must say, that, in none of them, except that of the Governor General, do we find any indication of an adequate and statesman like appreciation of the varied importance of railroads ; or any disposition to make a sacrifice for the establishment of them : and the perusal somehow tends to generate the impression that the writers think it is not particularly desirable to encourage them ; that India may still do without as it has hitherto done without them. They take, as we apprehend, a disparaging view of these great instruments of commerce and social intercourse: they regard them mainly as " instruments of Government "— a fallacy, we apprehend, which has caused the neglect of the roads hitherto, and is pregnant with conclusions as to railroads, which if carried out, will establish a defective and erroneous system. Taking the view, we do of this fallacy it deserves confutation. If roads are instruments of Government, why has India so few of them? If roads are instruments of Government,
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why is the new Benares road still unfinished— projected and began as it was, so many years ago, by Lord William Bentinck? and why, when it- was begun, was the old Benares road allowed to go to ruin? Did Bancurah, south of the Damtida, cease to need a road, when Burdwan got one? No, but Government no longer wanted the old road when it got a new one, and roads are instruments of Government. See here the fallacy in conjunction with the mischievous practical consequence. We purposely use this illustration to shew that the very narrowest view that can be taken of public roads is to regard them as instruments of Government. The fact is that so long as the Company continued to be a trading corporation, or to so recent a date as 1833, it was the established policy of Government to exclude Europeans: and we state it as a simple historical fact, that Government, up to that time, felt surer of its own interests without roads than with them. Mr. Williamson, the Bombay civilian, makes the same complaint of the want of roads, and enforces it by illustrations. His facts are well deserving of consideration. The cotton cultivators in Western India are reduced, by the mere want of roads to a state of great depression, and the cotton trade is on the verge of extinction. <br>Speaking of Western India, Mr. Williamson says,
<br>" During the great number of years during which we have held possession of the country, the extent of made road along the grand trunk lines of communication does not, exclusive of cross roads, exceed 350 miles, and these are very ill furnished with cross lines of communication." Thus, " from Panwell, the port of communication with Bombay in the direction of Calcutta and the great cotton district of Berar, the made road extends only a distance of about 150 miles."
<br>We hardly know how to give our friends in England a parallel by which they may understand the real state of things. It is in some respects as if Birmingham was inaccessible from Liverpool without going round by London, and there was no road for nine-tenths of the way between London and Birmingham: how could Birmingham export its hardware any more than India its cotton: Birmingham would have no existence; or, it is as if London was wholly cut off from all communication with Scotland. Bather we must go back to the days of Boadicca for a parallel in England. Again, says Mr. Williamson; —
<br>" the only great trunk line in existence is that in the direction of Mhow, Malwa and Agra, of which I am told less than 200 miles had been finished, and this portion was not one year ago opened to wheel carriages;"
nor, let us add,
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is it open at present: how then can it be said to be finished, or how said to be a grand trunk line? Mr. Williamson looks on the map and sees, as we do, in what direction the great lines of communication must pass, and as Government of course resolves to have them, by an euphemism he gives them the name of grand trunk lines, as if they were undertaken, but they are so merely in conception ; they are nowhere to be found but on that floor which has been described as paved with good intentions, and so numerous and intersected there are they, that their very authors and projectors may well lose themselves amongst them. Again, Mr. Williamson says: —
<br>" There are but twenty miles of made road along the great line from Bombay, in the direction of Surat, Baroda, and Ahmedabad, and none beyond Puna or Sattara, in the direction of Madras."
<br>That is, there is no road at all from any one great city or town to any other great city or town, because roads are instruments of Government, and the Judge, Collector and Magistrate can dispense with them. But commerce cannot dispense with them: not only is Lancashire deprived of the supply of cotton, which Western India is so capable of giving, but the India merchants are losing the China market for this great staple, which is being now supplied by the Americans, who having roads and no tax on agriculture can undersell the East Indians. Judging from the past, the very worst fate which can happen to railroads is, that they should be regarded as instruments of Government; whether they would ever be more than resolved upon, is doubtful: that they might be begun, is just possible: but that, in twenty years, 200 miles for all India would not be completed, we deem by every analogy absolutely certain,— and alas! for the locomotives and lives that should be risked upon them. Capitalists and railroad-companies, merchants and manufacturers, Lancashire and Glasgow, Liverpool and London, people of England, take warning.
<br>In these remarks we have confined our discussion to premises announced in the Minutes of Council, but cognate or similar views are entertained in England, where a party or sect, at the head of which is Mr. Morrison, is endeavouring to take first the management and eventually the property of railroads from the railroad companies or present owners and put in place of these the Government which is to be represented by a new Board or Department. In England such objects cannot be attained by mere ingenious fallacies or audacious maxims but must go through the ordeal of a full and free discussion; a controversy of this kind is going on at present; and from the pamphlet of Mr. Salomons, we learn that the advocates of the
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contemplated change of system chiefly rely on the examples of France and Belgium, which countries they consider much better off" in respect of railways than England, and, therefore, they would introduce the French system. How far they are correct in their facts, we will shew from the pages of Mr. Salomons, and, failing their facts, we may leave our readers to characterize their conclusions. The subject is pertinent here, because the views of the local Government of India appear to coincide with those of Mr. Morrison, and his friends. One fault which these parties have found in the English railroad companies is, that starting with greater advantages for construction, English railroads have cost more than the French ones. Such is the charge made by Mr. Morrison. As to the greater advantages enjoyed by English companies at the commencement —it is an unfounded assumption
<br>" had England," asks Mr. Salomons, "the benefit of another nation's experience? Had it all the machinery of construction invented to its hand? Is it a less hilly country than France? Look at the surface of France—observe the works on the French railways, and then decide which country is best adapted for a cheap construction of railways. Note the undulating character of English scenery and then remember the extensive and level plains of France. Bear in mind the heavy works on most of the English lines as they struggle to get away from London, the tunnelling through the chalk range and other great achievements too numerous to mention and place them side by side with the lines from Paris to Orleans and thence to Tours 145 miles, without a single tunnel; from Paris to Lille 170 miles without a tunnel or other work of magnitude, and then say through which country a railway may be most reasonably con structed, and which country ought consequently to have the cheaper tariff. " So far, as to Mr. Morrison's fundamental assumption. Next, as to the actual cost, Mr. Morrison rejects from the account of cost, "
the heavy preliminary and parliamentary expenses and the large payment to landholders to buy off opposition." These alone, without the land, amount probably to seven per cent. of the aggregate cost of completed railways in the United Kingdom, and to these may be added, as of the same nature, a very considerable item, the expenses of architectural and other constructions useless and unnecessary except to conciliate landowners who require them as screens or ornaments. But to Mr. Salomons—he justly remarks that
<br>" this way of dealing with an enormous expense is rather an oft-hand mode of settling a difficulty .... to deduct from the expense of construction the sums paid for land compensation and for parliamentary
*OUR INDIAN RAILWAYS. 357
investigation is very much like leaving out of the calculation of a gentlemen's household expenditure, all expenses beyond the cost of the daily mutton chop sufficient to sustain each individual of the family." Mr. Salomons adds, —
<br>" whether this heavy item can or cannot be reduced for the future, they present as to the past, substantial sums of money paid, and in com paring the expense of construction and the capital laid out by companies here and abroad, these must be included, and interest thereon computed to be paid as much as the bill of the contractor for making the line or that of the ironmonger for furnishing the rails."
Next it is alleged that the English companies with a prospect of a greater traffic than the French, imposed consider ably higher tariffs for goods and passengers than are established on the French lines. Now, as the traffic rates must in some degree have reference to the amount of capital expended in the construction, the complaint, supposing it true, is of the less weight, because that capital is not correctly calculated by Mr. Morrison, and moreover, a very large portion of the capital expended is supplied by Government. But when English and French tariffs are compared in detail, it appears that the English are the lowest, and that Mr. Morri son is again mistaken. The passenger fares per head are a fraction lower on the French lines: but on the French lines less luggage is allowed to each passenger, and the extra cost of luggage raises the French rates above the English ones:
<br>" the very few travellers whose luggage weighs under 33 lbs. travel a fraction cheaper than on the English lines." Mr. Salomons illustrates this by comparative tables: "
<br> few persons are aware," he adds,
<br>"of the profits that might be derived by (English) railways if a limitation of passenger luggage, similar to that which prevails in France, could be insisted upon."
Then again in England, there are day tickets at half fares and return tickets at the end of the week at half fares also,
<br>" a policy adopted by the railways themselves without either Government compulsion or Government suggestion."
Then compare the rates and taxes paid by the French and English lines, the total payment of rates and taxes, including passenger duty by the Paris and Orleans, during the year 1846, was £7,080! the half year's charges on the South Western, a line of about the same length, amounted to £14,083. In England 3 per cent. per annum is paid on the net proceeds of every railway as a property tax on the profits of the undertaking.
<br>" These very considerable items," it is justly observed by Mr. Salomons, "
forming part of the local or public taxation of a country, if
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not paid to the state by railway proprietors, must come if not paid to the state by railway proprietors, must come from the purses of the people in another shape, as taxes levied on their real or personal estate or on their profits, and therefore must be added to the railway charges.
<br>" But we have still to notice Mr. Salomons' statements respecting the rates for merchandise and cattle: these and carriages and horses are carried much ("infinitely," is Mr. Salomons' word) cheaper in England than in France, and he proves it by tabular statements. "
<br>In France the companies enforce the maximum passenger rates; in England the rates are considerably within the limit permitted by law, and with one single exception, the tendency of railway fares in England has been towards a gradual and uniform reduction of charges, both for passengers and merchandize on the part of every incorporated company."
<br>The questions above discussed concern the interests of the public as individuals: it clearly appears, that those interests would be no better served under the French, than they have been under the English, system. But there are other interests also to be considered, those of the state; and Mr. Morrison complains, that the state has gained greater advantages under the French system. This topic embraces the following questions: What are the advantages which have been secured by the French Government? commercially and politically is it wise on the part of Government to secure such advantages by such a bargain? and would it be expedient or practicable for the English Government to adopt the same system? We have deduced these questions from the pages of Mr. Salomon’s, and shall now proceed to state the information which Mr. Salomon’s furnishes Us with concerning them : premising that the " option," which the Act of 7 and 8 Victoria gives the British Government to take all future constructed railways, appears to have been suggested by the French system ; to which, if we may use the expression, that provision has just given a footing in England. The great advantage on which Mr. Morrison emphatically dwells is the
"rule which has been laid down for many years, to which no exception is allowed that every railway shall after a greater or less number of years become the absolute property of the state."
The French system is for Government to reserve the reversion; our President of Council proposes the same thing; the Act of Victoria, putting in the small edge of the wedge, only secures an " option." The term varies under the French system from ninety-nine years as a maximum to less than twenty-five years. A reversion after ninety
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nine years may, as Mr. Morrison observes, " appear a very remote benefit;" but a reversion after twenty-four years is a provision of which even " the generation now living will feel the advantage:" Mr. Morrison adds,
"if the present views of the French legislature be carried out it will be found that in little more than forty years all the principal lines of France, forming a complete system of communication between all parts of that country will, with very few exceptions, revert to the state. They will then, if worked for revenue, constitute a property compared with which the largest treasure amassed in former times by any sovereign or state shrink into insignificance."
<br>Now, first as to the leases for terms so short that the living generation may enjoy the reversion. Government was enabled to impose them through reckless competition, railway excitement, and peculiar circumstances. We cannot, therefore, regard them as creditable transactions on the part of Government; on principle, it is little better than seeing two combat ants eager to destroy one another, stepping in and robbing the one whom it crowns as victor. But, in one of the cases alluded to, the reckless price offered in the shape of a short lease, was bid in order to enable the company to secure a monopoly to themselves of the traffic between France and Belgium, and therefore greater interests were sacrificed to the advantage of an early reversion.
<br>Next, as to the price or sacrifice paid by Government. In the case of one short lease line, the Government provided the land, constructed the line at its own expense, and prepared it for the ballast and the rails, which the company had to furnish. The latter became the property of the Government at the end of the lease, the working stock furnished by the company being taken at a valuation. The assistance granted by Government is computed at five eights of the entire expense of making the line. It must strike the reader here how similar are the advantages gained in France to those claimed in the minute of our President of Council : but the President would advance no capital ; give no guarantee even of any dividend, and nothing but the land, which being valued at £200 a mile is, instead of 5-8ths of the expense, as contributed by the French Government, a seventy -fifth part only : His Honour claims the benefit but wholly renounces the burden.
Mr. Salomon’s very pertinently discusses, in a financial and political point of view, " the principle on which the French Government grants assistance to railways by means of subventions, as they are called, to the companies"—which is in effect our third question. " The object aimed at by the French
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Government is, not only to have the control but the entire possession of all the grand lines of communication, precisely as they are possessed of the existing high roads. These roads are not, as in England, maintained by tolls levied on those who benefit by them, but by the Government, who also exercises a control over travellers by having all the postmasters at its command. In its railway policy the French Government has the same ultimate object in view, and as it is inconvenient to com ply with the pressing demand for railways by incurring the whole expense of making them all together, with that of the necessary working stock, this charge is divided by the French system, and is borne in part by Government and in part by public companies." Now, no English railway has been, or ever will be, constructed with similar aid from Government: nor, we may affirm, will any Indian Railway, because a guarantee of four per cent. interest for fifteen years on three million (one-fifth of the capital) is the utmost aid that can be obtained for the construction of the grand trunk line, from the imperial Government.
<br>The financial light in which Mr. Salomon’s places the bargains of the French Government is well deserving of attention. " If," says he, " we grant a million of money raised by taxation and applied to the formation of a railway by Government, as an investment on behalf of the nation, we are bound to calculate how much this millions of money would amount to at the end of thirty years, or, in other words what would be its improved value at that time when the railway will revert to the Government. If these millions of moneys had been left in the pockets of the industrious classes from whom it must be drawn in the way of taxation or loan or both, we may reckon it would have realized in aid of the national wealth five per cent, per annum. Reckoning, therefore, the improved value of this millions of moneys, reverting to the nation at the end of thirty years, we shall find that it amounts at five per cent. compound interest to the enormous sum of £4,500,000. At this rate the French Government must pay (have paid) upwards of eleven million for the Orleans to Bordeaux line." Yet the reversion for which the French Government pays thus exorbitantly, our Indian statesmen aspire to get for next to nothing. Mr. Salomon’s further argues that Government by securing the reversion to itself, ties up its hands for the interval, however strong the occasion may be for legislative interference: and this Mr. Salomon’s justly regards, as a strong objection to the French system.
<br>It would be foreign to our purpose to enter upon all the
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topics discussed in the very able pamphlet of Mr. Salomon’s, and we have drawn from it enough already to enable our readers to appreciate the French system ; it appears that the advantages, its chief merit, which it has secured to Government, have been purchased in violation of sound financial principles, and at a price which the people of England would regard as a bad bargain ; moreover they are advantages which would scarcely be regarded as such by the English people; they involve the practical recognition of principles which arc indeed French, and are wholly alien to the character of the English people and to English institutions: and then, as to what commerce is immediately concerned in, the English rates of traffic, rate for rate, arc lower than the French, and very much lower still, if considered relatively to the cost of French railways excluding the amount of subventions contributed by the French Government. As to any oversight on the part of the English Government in not securing privileges in the carriage of troops or stores or mails, it may be corrected without a change of system. And in conclusion we will observe, that we regard the advocacy of the French system, as an attempt to arrest the free course of enterprise and capital, destroy profits and introduce a new taxation; — and that, on principles, which the English people abhor: if railroads are monopolies in the hands of Companies, what would they be in the hands of Government. With reference however to Indian railroads we should be far from asserting that their introduction might not justly be made the occasion of an increase of revenue in the Lower Provinces, where the land revenue is permanently settled, and land, it is said, cannot in good faith be subjected to new taxation. We would not propose to disturb the Permanent Settlement; it was certainly a wise, an indispensable measure with reference to the state of agriculture and the condition of the people at the time it was declared, and to the circumstances under which Lord Cornwallis, its author, found himself. But we cannot see why it, any more than the land tax in England, should be regarded as an obstacle to fresh local taxation on land founded upon new valuable considerations. Roads and railroads and bridges, are of this description ; and we should be glad to see Government making a graduated assessment on every square mile which would certainly be enhanced in value by them : many miles of country on each side of a new road might we apprehend be subjected to new taxation, and a fund thus be raised for the formation of cross roads, and a system of communication be established which will be a boon to the population and a
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source of commerce for the people of Great Britain: the resources of India cannot be developed without roads, and we shall never have them except through the medium of some such system of taxation.
<br>We will next notice briefly the report on the project of the Diamond Harbour Dock and Railway Company, which is for the establishment of Wet Docks at Diamond Harbour and a Railway and canal from the Docks to Calcutta. We regarded it in our last article chiefly as a Railway Company, but we now see that the construction of the Docks, as Mr. Siroms remarks, must be considered as the main feature and the railway as subordinate thereto, because it would be dependent on the docks for its traffic and would neither be wanted but for the docks, nor would it answer. At the same time we must observe that the railway, though subordinate, is an essential feature, because docks without it could not answer at Diamond Harbour. This dock must have a railway, and the railway statistics, connected with it are important because another site offers which would not require a railway. The report discusses first, whether docks are necessary or required for the purposes of the commerce of Calcutta? That they are necessary we will not affirm; but that they will become so, and the want of them be increasingly felt every year, cannot be doubted. The tide way of a great public river, in a tropical climate, under exposure to sun, rain, winds and storms, obviously cannot afford a fit and proper place of anchorage for ships, in great numbers, of great burthen, as very many of them are, and with all sorts of cargo, which it is impossible to protect on the river from plunder. Nowhere we think, all circumstances considered, can a stronger case for wet docks be made out than at Calcutta.
<br>On this part of the subject Mr. Simms writes as follows: —
<br>"8. The present accommodation for the Shipping frequenting this port is in the Hirer Hugh', where they lie at anchor in the tide way opposite Fort William and the City of Calcutta: the extent of accommodation is about 4 7 miles in length, averaging about 300 yards in breadth. The large ships anchoring only in one line about the middle of the Channel. It will be evident that the ships are thus much exposed to danger from a variety of causes, and serious accidents and losses have occurred from storms, the violence of the bore, fire, and other causes, which would all be obviated by a well-regulated Docking Establishment.
<br>"9. During the time of the freshes when the river is swollen by the waters from the interior of the country, and these waters in their downward passage meeting the spring tides produce a troublesome and inconvenient, if not dangerous agitation or flurry in the waters, so much so, that, as I am informed, it has been found necessary in some cases to cast off the steamers from the ships which they were towing. As a proof of the strength of
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these freshes, it frequently happens when at their height in the months of August and September, that they prevent the tide advancing so high up the river as Calcutta, and according to the information I have received (from respectable authority) ships have at such times, before the intro duction of steam towing vessels, been detained as long as ten days off Garden Reach, without being able to get up to Calcutta. And in August 1840, the ship ' Gloucester,' belonging to John Husband and Co. lay at Calcutta nearly a month without swinging once but rode with her stern down the stream.
<br>"10. Besides the liability to accidents to the shipping, very great opportunities exist, and are made available for the plunder of merchandise, and fraud to an enormous and unknown extent. This is admitted by all parties, and on which account I believe that there are none who would not advocate the construction of docks as the only sure remedy for so great an evil. This system of plunder, or river piracy, is not peculiar to Calcutta, it exists in all ports, and has only been subdued, or annihilated by enclosing ships, with their export and import cargoes within lofty dock walls, allowing of ingress and egress only through certain well-guarded gateways. To such an extent was the system carried in London, that its prevention led to the construction of the first public docks at that port, and was the chief argument adduced before Parliament, to obtain the legislative sanction to that project."
<br>The Wet Dock Committee‡‡ also reported that wet docks would be in every respect beneficial to the trade of the port, the Government (or Custom House department) and to the shipping interests. The next question is, which is the most eligible site for their construction. Two sites are proposed: Kidderpore, a suburb of Calcutta, which is recommended by the wet dock committee, and Diamond Harbour, at a distance by the proposed railway of 28½ miles or by water about 50 miles down the river. In favour of Diamond Harbour, it is alleged that a distance of 50 miles is saved of a dangerous and difficult navigation: and some direct expense, calculated, in the case of a ship of 400 tons, towed by steam, to be equal to Rs. 981-8 (£98-3-0) and in the case of a ship of 1,300 tons drawing 22 feet of water at Rs. 1,742-12 (£174-3-6). This is a very considerable saving. But first against it, on the other side, is to be set off, the cost which, it is assumed, would have to be incurred, of conveying the merchandise along the railroad to and from Diamond Harbour, which is estimated comparatively in the following manner: £98-3-0 upon 400 tons of cargo, would give 2 Rs. 7 annas and 1 pice per ton, or about 4s. lid. nearly: cost of railway estimated at 4s. 9d. per ton, would leave a small difference in favour of the railway, or in the case of the largest ships,
‡‡The Report of the Wet Dock Committee ought to have been mentioned at the head of this article; it is as follows: — Report of the Committee appointed by Government, in May 1844 to enquire into the practicability of providing Calcutta with Wet Docks capable of containing a part or the whole of the shipping, frequenting the port Calcutta, 1848.
364 OUR INDIAN RAILWAYS.
a difference of 13d. per ton. But then, this is a fallacious calculation in two respects ; because, of the smaller and more numerous vessels, many do not use steam ; and consequently, not incurring, would not save this item of expense, though something doubtless they would save by stopping at Diamond Harbour ; and moreover of the entire number of vessels, great and small, many come in ballast ; more with short, and scarcely any with full, cargoes ; and consequently they would bring little tonnage to the railway. But again; the registered tonnage of the ships is used as the criterion or basis of the calculation of the probable traffic on the railway. The aggregate receipts from the railway are stated at £163,893, of which only £7,500 is put down for passenger traffic, and
" the rest, — being £153,393, — is put down to the following item: —Tonnage on the rail as per returns inclusive of three-fourths of the import, registered tonnage 613,575 tons at 2d. per mile per ton for 30 miles—£153,393."
This, we apprehend, is not to be in the least depended upon. The registered tonnage of ships is no real criterion at all of the probable traffic on the railway ; because, 1st, as to the exports:—of the entire exports, a very considerable proportion is brought to Calcutta by native craft down the Ganges either via the Sunderbuns or the Bhagirutti : that part of it which comes by the Sunderbuns would of course be discharged at Diamond Harbour, without coming at all to Calcutta, and consequently would not come on the rail way; and that other more considerable part which comes by the Bhagirutti, would most probably be carried on to Diamond Harbour via the river, and would also not go on the railway; and from these two causes, which apply to the anticipated exports passing by the railway, the tonnage under this head would probably be less by four-fifths than is supposed by the Chairman of the Company. And, 2ndly, the same reasoning applies to the imports, though less extensive: the portion, going by native craft especially, via the Sunderuns, if not also that going by Steamers, would, for greater economy generally, be taken on board at the docks, and be carried up the country without touching Calcutta, for the very purposes of saving the charges of the railway. The estimates were discussed are those of the Chairman of the Company: they are not adopted by Mr. Simms, nor do they agree with the independent estimates of the Wet Dock Committee as to exports and imports generally. And looking at the project of a dock and railway as an investment of capital, made in the hope common to most shareholders, of receiving some interest for their money, we should strike from the estimates
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that portion of the receipts attributed to the railway traffic; and simply consider whether the dock charges would bear the extra expense of a railway: in our opinion they would not, and the railway would be a source of heavy loss to the company until railway communication is extended up the country; and then we doubt not a railway extended to Diamond Harbour would answer. But that is not the proposal of the Dock and Railway Company: on the contrary, the Calcutta Chairman of the Company (Mr. Charles Prinsep) contends for the establishment of the Diamond Harbour Railway before all others, in order to prove by ocular demonstration what rail ways are and how admirably they answer.
It did not escape the sagacity of the Wet Dock Committee, that the question of the site of the docks should be considered in relation to the grand trunk railway : and supposing the terminus of this to be at Howrah, the Committee considered whether the docks should not also be on that side of the river, and came to the conclusion that so far as the railway was concerned, it did not matter on which side the docks were : the grounds of this opinion were as follows:—
<br>" The mercantile members stated in reply, that the construction of the Railway would not much affect the question of the proper site of the docks; for that the parties sending down exportable goods from the Upper or Lower Provinces were not the exporters, but that the goods constantly change hands on coming down here, and are and still would be brought over to Calcutta for sale. That with regard to goods imported by sea and purchased for sale here or in the Upper Provinces, these are invariably landed in Calcutta, and purchased by native merchants in the city, and that it is not at all likely that this system would be changed, unless the capital itself should be transferred to the other side of the river."
<br>There is much in this passage which we might remark upon. It appears to assume that the existing habits of trade are essential, and little liable to be affected by either docks or railways. We believe on the contrary that the peculiar habits of the local commerce, as referred to by the committee, are accidental, and in a great degree occasioned by the want of docks and the opportunities of warehousing. However bulky goods may be, the buyer in prudence takes manual possession of them, in order that he may be secure against the claim of assignees, on the ground of reputed ownership, in case the seller becomes insolvent. But establish docks and railways, and sales may safely be affected any number of times without one single change of manual possession because the dock and railway
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companies are public warehousemen and notice to them of transfer will be sufficient to secure the purchaser's right against subsequent claimants. This security is one great recommendation of the warehousing system; and it is obviously of considerable importance, to select the site of the docks and fix the termini of the railways just where, all circumstances considered, capital can be employed, and the operations of trade carried on most economically. Where that may be, is a question we shall not shrink from when the proper time comes: railways and docks singly or together, will make vast changes in the local habits of commerce ; if the railways could be made to terminate at the docks, and both to meet contiguously in one focal area, it would be a great economy: and, therefore, as docks and railways involve several connected questions, we think that neither the Diamond Harbour, nor Kidderpore docks can safely be decided upon, until it is known where the terminus of the grand trunk railroad is to be. The Diamond Harbour Railway as an investment of the estimated sum of thirty lakhs (£ 300,000 sterling) will not answer until there is railway communication to the Upper Provinces; and then it may answer, because the chief traffic in goods being by railway to Calcutta, the native craft will cease to be carriers to the prejudice of the dock-railway.
It has been remarked to us that our Western India friends have reproached us with neglecting the railway projects of their presidency. Were the fact so, we should hope it would be a sufficient apology, that as a selection only could be made, it was just to prefer the greater and metropolitan interests to the provincial and lesser. But the truth is, we did recognize the importance of opening the valley of the Nerbudda and connecting in one system of railway communication, the Agra, Bengal, and Bombay Presidencies. Every mile of rail between Delhi and Calcutta has, in our estimation, beside its immediate uses, some merit as an approximation to this object. To contend for the paramount importance, as is the fact, of the communication between Calcutta and the North West Frontier, appeared to us the best policy as well for the interest of our Western friends, as of the railway cause on this side of India. In contending for little railways, we should have made no impression on that strange medley of authorities which compose the Government over India. The case of Bombay would have weighed about as much as a case from the Marylebone Vestry. And what has the event proved? With the Minute of Lord Hardinge in favour of the grand trunk line, our rulers in Leadenhall Street will only sanction the expenditure of three million while the grand trunk line,
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in which alone the state is interested, would cost fifteen million, and to induce capitalists to raise the smaller sum, Government will contribute out of millions of annual revenue raised from salt, opium and taxes on agriculture, &c. what? Nothing by way of gift, but a loan of £120,000 per annum for no more than fifteen years, and repayment to be secured in a stricter manner than a private mortgagee would stipulate for. There are half a dozen Lords, if not in the whig ministry, in the party, who would engage for a greater outlay, if a pressing case arose, for the improvement of their own private estates and property. Circumstanced as railway projects thus are, with the miserable feint of support just alluded to, for two experimental lines, we will give our willing and cordial testimony to the independent merits and importance of the scheme of the great Indian Peninsular Railway and wish it good speed with or in spite of such rulers and masters. Its advantages, military and commercial, are clearly described by Mr. Williamson, whose letters, together with the official papers of the Engineers and Surveyors printed for the use of the Company, must satisfy all dispassionate persons of the desirableness and feasibility of the railways designed by the Company alluded to. It was our intention to have treated in considerable detail the subject of traffic and returns, but our remaining space will permit little more than a few general observations, which we trust may inspire in others the belief we sincerely entertain ourselves of the commercial success of well-planned railroads. Every source of income which railroads have in Europe, rail roads will have in India. In Europe, their dependence is not on the bulk of the population, on the hewers of wood and drawers of water; though, when the numerous classes travel in masses, as on fair days and holidays, railroad companies find it answer to carry them: in India railroad companies will find analogous rather than similar opportunities. In Europe, railroads depend on the social and commercial activity of the people, taking them from home to the sites and scenes of exchanges and business and pleasure. Native merchants are numerous in all the great towns in the lower Provinces of India: their goods go to different markets, and merchants travel wherever their goods do ; that is, from one end of India to the other. All the commerce of Upper India above Mirzapore, throughout Oude, Sindh, the Punjab, Kashmir, Afghanistan, — (we mention these names as familiar)—is carried on by natives; and along the whole tract, in every great town for 2,000 miles to Kabul and beyond, the principals have connections, and many have gomashtas and establishments, occasionally or permanently, in Calcutta;
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all these people are travellers, and would be greater, if there were roads and conveyances. Then there are the pilgrims to Muttra, Benares, Gaya, Puri, and other less known places with shrines less celebrated : it will depend on the railroad companies themselves whether they will convey the poorer:—we now refer to the richer, — who in great numbers, present to the European eye on the Benares road such picturesque groups and processions mounted and in carriages with retinues of guards and servants, in a sort of solemnity and state, well betokening how rare, how difficult, dangerous, expensive, and religious is the journey.
<br>"We are not painters; we can at present but appreciate this picture in a commercial point of view: whatever scruples might be felt at first, a variety of interests would soon be found to concur in inducing these people to use the railroads; until, by the diffusion of better knowledge, they be taught to use them for nobler purposes. Similar remarks might be made with reference to the multitudes of Mussulmans who assemble from distant parts to proceed from Calcutta on their pilgrimage to Mecca. Then again in India, the grand trunk railways have this peculiar advantage: nearly all the commerce between India and Europe has but two great emporia—Bombay and Calcutta—one for the western, the other for the eastern, side of India ; which, together, receive the wealth of a continent whose dimensions must be described by hundreds of thousands of square miles : whose geology presents every variety of feature, and which, besides its peculiar and purely indigenous products, is capable of producing on hill, valley or plain, on some diversity of its length and breadth, almost anything which any other country produces: —of edibles, tea,* coffee, sugar, salt, saltpetre, rice, wheat, and other grains and seeds in uncounted variety, food for man and beast, which would make the poor at home envy even our horses: —of raw materials for textile and other manufactures, silk, cotton, flax, hemp, jute, caoutchouc, horns and hides: — of dyes, indigo, shell lac, lac dye, cochineal, &c., oils in great variety : —of gums in great variety, copaul, Arabic, myrrh, etc. : —of drugs and medicines, besides opium and tobacco, a rich but little known pharmacopoeia : —woods:—stones of great beauty, including marble: —besides coal, iron and unexplored mineral treasures. India also has its manufactures: Dacca its muslin; Murshedabad its silks: Patna its candles and cloths of all descriptions: Mirzapore its carpets, rugs, blankets; Benares its embroidered clothes, shoes and a variety
‡‡ We refer not to Assam, but to the Deyrah Dhoon.
f The salt of Lahore is celebrated, and is sold retail, in Calcutta, at the rate of £6 per ton.
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of other articles: Delhi and Kashmir its shawls and jewellery: Gujrat in the Punjab its damascene blades, and almost every district some branch of industry; —the objects of a commercapable of vast increase if better means of transit were afforded. Great as is the traffic, the establishment of roads and railroads would vastly multiply it ; in estimating its actual amount, we should wish to exclude all false criteria ; but some idea, it appears to us, may be formed, from the official returns of export and import tonnage from Calcutta ; meaning however by tonnage, the tonnage of ships, which, however, we admit to be more than the actual tonnage of cargoes ; the import tonnage in 1844-5 into Calcutta was 255,323 tons, much of which goes to the Upper Provinces: the exports 275,939 tons ; and the values for the same year ; of imports, Rs. 76,926,298 (£7,692,629-16) and of exports Rs. 103,317,912 (£10,331,791-4) Similar Bombay returns we have not. We fear not to be gain said in asserting that the cost of carriage on imports (which include manufactured goods, the prime cost of which therefore much exceeds that of the exports) averages twenty-five per cent. before they reach the markets of consumption; and the carriage of many of the exports forms the principal part of their stated values. And whatever this amount may be, something may be added for carriage of produce of the country for local consumption from one part to another. Such is the trade and traffic, such the commerce, for whose convenience and extension the British Government will lend £120,000 per annum! which, in all probability, would not have been needed in the present day, had not the shores of India been till recently under blockade against the free immigration of our countrymen, in whom the commercial monopolist Company of former days could see only hated rivals.
<br>On the varied grounds of political, military, commercial and social utility, we have on a former as well as the present occasion pleaded for the establishment of a general system of railways: and sure, we feel that they will ultimately repay the undertakers: but we also desire them from considerations of philanthropy, for the sake of the physical, moral and religious amelioration of the prostrate millions of India. We will confess, moreover, to the derided virtue of patriotism as urging us to this advocacy: we should regard it as highly glorious to the British Crown and honourable to the British people, to enstamp on India and Asia this most characteristic symbol of the civilization of the nineteenth century, which at the same time is peculiarly British. As far back as the sixteenth century, tracks of wood for the wheels of waggons, in other words, Wooden Railroads, began to be employed in the vast coal
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fields in the north of England: and in the year 1767, Mr. Reynolds, of Shropshire " first put the crude materials of roads into the crucible of the refiner, and thus introduced the use of rails wholly of iron."
<br>In 1789, Mr. Jessop, a manufacturer and engineer of distinguished eminence,
"had the merit of first employing the edge-rail. About ten years afterwards, Mr. Benjamin Outram introduced the plate-rail, with props of stone at the joining’s of the rails instead of timber: both the edge and plate rails were made of cast iron; and in the year 1811, the former was first made wholly of malleable iron at Lord Carlisle's coal works in Cumberland."
<br>For twenty years more, the only motive force applied to the Bail was the horse. And, at the present day, it is not a little amusing to glance at the numberless experiments so anxiously conducted, in order to ascertain
" the effective power of an active horse"
on all the varieties of level and inclined planes; —experiments, involving discussions about the proper criterion of animal strength to be employed—leading to the use of new mechanical instruments such as the dynamometer—and often terminating with grave lectures on comparative anatomy and muscular motion. But the immense extension of manufacturing industry and the successful application of steam, as a propelling force, to vessels on rivers, lakes, and seas, paved the way for experiments which issued in the triumphant application of the same potent agency to Railways. The opening of the Manchester and Liverpool Railway in 1830 was the signal for the introduction of the improved Railway system into almost every region of the civilized world, on both sides of the Atlantic, with a rapidity and to an extent, hitherto unparalleled in the history of the useful Arts—achieving prodigies of speed which convert the fables of Romance into the records of everyday reality—and involving the voluntary expenditure of private capital surpassing in amount the hoarded stores it of the mightiest potentate that ever seized or monopolized the wealth of subjugated kingdoms. And, now, what we plead for, is, the introduction, at once, into these Indian realms, of this most notable and worthy product of British genius, per severance and industry, in its most perfected form. What a glorious contrast, does the very prospect of such a consummation hold out in favour of British sway! Age after age, did the greatest of India monarchs strive to perpetuate the memory of their temples and' lavishing on " Paynim" mosques, and idol pearl and gold that were cruelly wrung from the tears,
*371 OUR INDIAN RAILWAYS.
the cries, and the miseries of a suffering people. Let it now be the glory of Imperial Britain, to confer on the same people a boon of inestimable value, in the form of a work of the greatest extent and utility which the world has yet seen ; — a work, which, by its facilities of intercommunion and rapid conveyance of the supera bounding products of an exhaustless soil to the great emporia of commerce, shall help to arouse the dormant energies of millions—quicken their intellectual and moral powers—dissolve the spell of a thousand habits and customs consecrated by the superstitious reverence of ages— stimulate the creative industry that shall transmute the pestilential marsh into a healthful garden, teeming with fertility and verdure, and, by its incessant encroachments, literally cause the very desert " to rejoice and blossom as the rose ;"—a work, which, by the multifarious influences thus called into action, and the varied salutary tendencies thus enduringly impressed, shall, as an auxiliary to all other reformative agencies, lend its effective aid in contributing to raise long prostrate India from the dust, and exalt her to her rightful position as one of the most magnificent empires under the sun.
<br>P.S. At the time we are writing, no advices have come of any company having accepted the terms proposed by Government.
Since the early part of this article was written, we have had the good fortune to obtain sight again of the document alluded to at page 326 and dated towards the end of 1846. It is, we now find, in the form of a letter from a public office to an English mechanic whom the local authorities had engaged, but disappointed for the reason alleged in the letter ; viz. that
<br>" the Hon'ble the Court of Directors have given positive instructions prohibiting the employment of other than their Military Covenanted servants in the subordinate grades of the Department of Public Works."
<br>The existence of such an order we extremely regret. To us it seems at once improvident and unjust to make employment in such a department as that of Public works, a monopoly. For the superintendence and execution of many of those works, working mechanics are much better qualified than military officers. The mechanic can lend a hand, as well as superintend, if necessary; while his services are cheaper. Lastly, such an order is an impolitic, and, according to the principle of the Charter Act, unconstitutional interference with the local authorities who must be the best judges on such details, and would err, if at all, on the side, of an undue preference for the covenanted services.

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