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Page 351-53 OUR INDIAN RAILWAYS Governor-General's State Paoer and Responses
We now turn to the Minute of the Governor-General §1.6., and are much mistaken, if his Lordship has written any State Paper in India on which he can reflect with more satisfaction, or which will more worthily illustrate his sagacity, penetration, foresight and practical wisdom as a statesman. We will give the substance of it with a brief and rapid comment. It begins with the usual exordium, expressing a general concurrence in the view taken by the President of Council, and as regards the tine, sanctions the grand trunk line; which line chiefly, if not exclusively, appears to have attracted his Lordship's attention. To its peculiar and superior advantages, in a military, political and commercial point of view, the encouragement which he would counsel the Court to give to railroads, has exclusive reference; indeed, we are not aware that any other line offers comparable political and military advantages (if any such advantages at all) to Government. As to the land the Governor General is of the same opinion as the Council, viz. that " it should be procured by the sole agency of Government."
But as to the encouragement which Government should give, the Governor General is much more liberal than the Council:-
" I am of opinion that the assistance to be given ought not to be limited merely to the land:- and for these reasons, 1st, that the value of the land, (estimated by his Lordship at £200 a mile) "is not commensurate with the advantages which the State would derive from rapid and daily communication from Calcutta to Delhi ; and 2ndly, that English capitalists, in the absence of information as to the probable expense of construction and working, will not enter into the speculation without more substantial encouragement from the Government. The event has proved the correctness of Lord Hardinge's judgment, and the point of view in which his Lordship has considered the subject is that which eventually must be taken by the authorities in England. His Lordship next refers to the considerations which give the grand trunk line a claim to the assistance of Government: these considerations are (as already noticed) the political and military importance of the grand trunk line, as well as its utility to commerce in general. As to the amount of assistance to be given:-
" The calculation of the contribution to be given, would be based on the political, military and commercial advantages which would be derived from the completion and full operation of such a line:"
At the same time, as these advantages include many not susceptible of arithmetical calculation, and really are of paramount importance, we believe the conclusion to which his Lordship would lead the Court is, that whatever encouragement or assistance may be necessary ought to be given : and believing this to be his Lordship's opinion, by no forced construction, we may pass over his several details, which we regard as mere examples, by no means meant, as exhibiting the entire components of the sum total of pecuniary benefit the grand trunk line will bring to the government ; on the contrary, his Lordship mentions £50,000 as saved by army reduction, only because that is a noble item, and well knowing that if his Lordship had employed his official influence also to make out the littles, they would have proved the proverb, of " many littles making a muckle," and in the result he would have shown that compared with the palpable saving a railway will occasion, the most liberal idea hitherto entertained of encouragement is really a trifle. In one respect, however, his Lordship betrays a mistaken impression; he appears to think no aid from Government will be needed until the line is completed; something to that effect, according to our recollection, was said by Mr. Stephenson; but circumstances have changed, and as aid is needed at the commencement we think it clear, from the whole tenor of the Minute, that Lord Hardinge would decide in favour of its being immediately given. We must not omit to observe, that the Governor-General has in no degree sanctioned the maxim that the chief objects of railroads are political. The time is to come when "the sword shall be beaten into the ploughshare," and then what becomes of such a maxim and its consequence? Why should their chief objects be political in India any more than in England? Lord Hardinge's Minute also abstains from asserting' that railroads ought to belong to government; it rather implies the opposite principle; for it distinctly states that, "if it could be assumed that the whole cost of the speculation, as is usually the case in England, would repay the adventurers by the traffic in passengers, it would be more prudent to leave the whole affair in the hands of the Company; the State here, as in England, deriving its advantage without interfering with the profits of the Company." The Indian Government is no better or not so favourably circumstanced for any kind of interference with railroads as the English Government. As a government it can only command for railroads, the skill which it can rear at Addiscombe; and while it would be under very great disadvantage, compared with a commercial Company, in the open market of skill and talent, it may obtain by stipulation and contracts under legislative sanction all the benefits it can require as a Government. Let us however be candid and admit that a new element is introduced into the question, if Railroad Companies require the assistance of Government. If a proprietary interest is forced upon the Government, it may plausibly claim a proprietary influence; though it would be wiser, as we think, to take engagements for repayment of its advances, at the earliest possible day; to regard itself as a mortgagee out of possession rather than a part owner, joint tenant or tenant in possession. We can scarcely doubt that when Lord Hardinge, with the Minutes of Council before him, penned the passage we have quoted, he was impressed with this opinion ; and the difference in this respect between his Lordship and the opinions of Council is just the usual difference between English and Indian politicians and statesmen, in their ideas of the competence, function and province of Government, and the scope and efficiency of the enterprise of individuals. In taking a general view of the papers just noticed, we must say, that, in none of them, except that of the Governor General, do we find any indication of an adequate and statesman like appreciation of the varied importance of railroads ; or any disposition to make a sacrifice for the establishment of them : and the perusal somehow tends to generate the impression that the writers think it is not particularly desirable to encourage them ; that India may still do without as it has hitherto done without them. They take, as we apprehend, a disparaging view of these great instruments of commerce and social intercourse: they regard them mainly as " instruments of Government "— a fallacy, we apprehend, which has caused the neglect of the roads hitherto, and is pregnant with conclusions as to railroads, which if carried out, will establish a defective and erroneous system.

The Article continues in this manner for many more pages all putting pressure on the Goverment to take action to encourage private participation.
The pages that follow are along the same lines and are not transcribed but can be be seen in the Article on page 354-362.